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NewsMine 9-11 questions Viewing Item | Pipeline atta Fwd: [Arab-Amer] Al-Qaida monitored U.S. negotiations with Taliban over oil pipe
>Salon.com > >Al-Qaida monitored U.S. negotiations with Taliban over oil pipeline >A memo by military chief Mohammed Atef raises new questions about whether >failed U.S. efforts to reform Afghanistan's radical regime -- and build >the pipeline -- set the stage for Sept. 11. > >- - - - - - - - - - - - >By Jean-Charles Brisard > > > >June 5, 2002 | A 1998 memo written by al-Qaida military chief Mohammed >Atef reveals that Osama bin Laden's group had detailed knowledge of >negotiations that were taking place between Afghanistan's ruling Taliban >and American government and business leaders over plans for a U.S. oil and >gas pipeline across that Central Asian country. > >The e-mail memo was found in 1998 on a computer seized by the FBI during >its investigation into the 1998 African embassy bombings, which were >sponsored by al-Qaida. Atef's memo was discovered by FBI counter-terrorism >expert John O'Neill, who left the bureau in 2001, complaining that U.S. >oil interests were hindering his investigation into al-Qaida. O'Neill, who >became security chief at the World Trade Center, died in the Sept. 11 attack. > >Atef's memo shines new light on what al-Qaida knew about U.S. efforts to >normalize relations with the Taliban in exchange for the fundamentalist >government's supporting the construction of an oil and gas pipeline across >Afghanistan. As documented in the book I coauthored with Guillaume >Dasquie, "Bin Laden: The Forbidden Truth," the Clinton and Bush >administrations negotiated with the Taliban, both to get the repressive >regime to widen its government as well as look favorably on U.S. >companies' attempts to construct an oil pipeline. The Bush White House >stepped up negotiations with the Taliban in 2001. When those talks stalled >in July, a Bush administration representative threatened the Taliban with >military reprisals if the government did not go along with American demands. > >The seven-page memo was signed "Abu Hafs," which is the military name of >Atef, who was the military chief of al-Qaida and is believed to have been >killed in November 2001 during U.S. operations in Afghanistan. It shows >al-Qaida's keen interest in the U.S.-Taliban negotiations and raises new >questions as to whether the U.S. military threat to the Taliban in July >2001 could have prompted al-Qaida's Sept. 11 attack. > >Atef's memo is not about the pipeline alone, though it mentions the >project several times. It is an analysis of the political situation facing >the Taliban. It documents the movement's rise, its leadership, the >geopolitical importance of Afghanistan, the Taliban's relationship with >Pakistan, as well as the movement's relationship with the Arab mujahedin. >The document's intended readership is unclear. But it reveals that the >pipeline was seen as a strategic offering toward the West, in order to >make the Taliban government acceptable to the United States and Pakistan, >as well as to reduce military and investigative pressure on the country to >rein in or even extradite bin Laden. > >Atef explains that the United States wants "to take control of any region >which has huge quantities of oil reserves," and "the American government >is keen on laying the oil and gas pipelines from Turkmenistan through >Afghanistan to Pakistan." Atef concludes that al-Qaida's "duty toward the >movement [Taliban] is to stand behind it, support it materially and >morally, especially because its regional and international enemies are >working night and day to put an end to it and make it fail." > >It seems clear the military chief didn't expect the pipeline negotiations >to bear fruit. Referring to Pakistanis as "nonbelievers," and noting that >the pipeline "will be under American control ... and it also goes through >the territories of Pakistan which are allied to America," Atef implies >that the Taliban has no intention of ultimately cooperating with the >project, but is trying to string along the Americans and Pakistanis to win >some breathing room for its unpopular government. > >The Atef memo is the latest piece of evidence documenting a murky chapter >in recent American history -- the overtures of the last two American >administrations to the repressive Taliban regime. Several U.S. oil >companies, most notably Unocal, had been advocates of diplomatic overtures >to the Taliban, in order to facilitate the building of a pipeline from the >Caspian Sea region to Pakistan and the Persian Gulf through Afghanistan. >In 1996, Unocal vice president Chris Taggart described the fall of Kabul >to the Taliban regime as a "very positive step" and urged the U.S. to >extend recognition to the new rulers in Kabul and thus "lead the way to >international lending agencies coming in." > >Just 10 days after the Taliban seized power in Kabul, Zalmay Khalilzad, >former National Security Council official and Unocal consultant who was >appointed special envoy to Afghanistan by President George W. Bush at the >end of 2001, argued in a Washington Post opinion article that the U.S. >should try to work with the mullahs and form a broad-based government that >included other factions. "The Taliban does not practice the anti-U.S. >style of fundamentalism practiced by Iran -- it is closer to the Saudi >model ..." Khalilzad contended, concluding that "we should use as a >positive incentive the benefits that will accrue to Afghanistan from the >construction of oil and gas pipelines across its territory ... These >projects will only go forward if Afghanistan has a single authoritative >government." > >Soon after, the State Department spokesman Glyn Davies told the New York >Times he had hope that "the new authorities in Kabul will move quickly to >restore order and security and to form a representative interim government >that can begin the process of reconciliation nationwide." Davies also said >the United States "wanted to send diplomats to Afghanistan to meet with >the Taliban and held out the possibility of re-establishing full >diplomatic ties with the country," according to the Times. > >In November 1997 Unocal invited a Taliban delegation to Texas and, in >early December, the company opened a training center at the University of >Nebraska, to instruct 137 Afghans in pipeline construction technology. The >company also donated to the university's Center for Afghanistan Studies. >Unocal CEO John Imle estimated that the company spent between $15 and $20 >million on its Central Asia oil pipeline (CentGas) project -- on >preliminary feasibility studies, humanitarian projects and other efforts >to lobby the Taliban (Unocal equipped the regime with satellite phones, >for instance.) > >In February 1998, Unocal's vice president for international relations, >John Maresca, told a House subcommittee hearing on U.S. interests in the >Central Asian Republics that an oil pipeline "would benefit Afghanistan, >which would receive revenues from transport tariffs, and would promote >stability and encourage trade and economic development." Emphasizing that >"the proposed Central Asia Oil Pipeline (CentGas) cannot begin >construction until an internationally recognized Afghanistan government is >in place," he urged the administration and the Congress "to give strong >support to the United Nations-led peace process in Afghanistan." > >Until the 1998 al-Qaida embassy bombings, the Clinton administration's >approach toward the Taliban was much the same as Unocal's: All parties >agreed that the political stabilization of Afghanistan was crucial to the >region, and was also a way to gain access to oil reserves of the Caspian >Sea region. Though bin Laden had been in the country since 1996, the U.S. >had not pressured the Taliban to hand him over. > >The embassy bombings in August 1998 changed everything. The Clinton >administration denounced the regime and Secretary of State Madeleine >Albright turned up the heat on Taliban human rights abuses. The United >Nations imposed sanctions, freezing Afghanistan's foreign assets and >limiting its citizens' travel. The U.S. continued to talk to the Taliban, >but the emphasis was on extraditing bin Laden in exchange for >international recognition; the pipeline was off the table. Unocal, which >had been close to finalizing its pipeline deal before the embassy >bombings, cancelled it. > >When George W. Bush took office in 2001, his administration made new >overtures to the Taliban, and the pipeline deal gained renewed support, as >an incentive to get the Taliban to make political concessions and form a >broader government. U.S. representatives met with Afghanistan's former >King Shah, to see if he might be included in a new government. And >American companies began exploring the failed 1998 pipeline project. A >report by an Afghan-born Enron manager in July 2001, for instance, >illustrates that company's deep interest in some sort of pipeline deal. >Enron had begun funding the same sorts of humanitarian projects as Unocal >had three years earlier. > >In March 2001, several Taliban officials, including Sayed Rahmattulah >Hashimi, Mullah Omar's personal advisor, were invited to Washington by >their U.S. lobbyist, Leila Helms, the niece of former CIA Director Richard >Helms. The agenda included discussions of extraditing bin Laden as well as >facilitating American companies' access to oil reserves in central Asia. >The delegation met with representatives of the Directorate of Central >Intelligence (DCI) and the Bureau of Intelligence and Research of the >State Department. > >This visit provoked concern and criticism in Washington over how Hashimi >obtained a visa, a plane ticket, security clearance and access to American >institutions -- including the State Department and the National Security >Council -- despite travel restrictions on Taliban leadership imposed by >U.N. sanctions (the official answer was that Hashimi fell below the rank >of senior official covered by the sanctions.) > >Four months later, American diplomats met with Taliban emissaries as well >as representatives from Pakistan, Iran and Russia for four days of talks >in Berlin in mid-July. Again, the message was that if the Taliban would >extradite bin Laden and form a broad-based national government, it could >win international recognition and reap extensive economic subsidies from >the construction of a pipeline. The meeting was one of several convened by >Francesco Vendrell, a Spanish diplomat who serves as the U.N.'s chief >representative on Afghanistan. The delegates at the July meeting included >Robert Oakley, former U.S. ambassador and Unocal lobbyist; Karl "Rick" >Inderfurth, former assistant secretary of state for South Asian affairs; >Lee Coldren, head of the Office of Pakistan, Afghan and Bangladesh Affairs >in the State Department until 1997; Tom Simons, former U.S. ambassador to >Pakistan and the most recent official negotiator with the Taliban; Niaz >Naik, former Foreign Minister of Pakistan; Nikolai Kozyrev, a former >Russian special envoy to Afghanistan; and Saeed Rajai Khorassani, formerly >the Iranian representative to the U.N. The Taliban ambassador to Pakistan, >Abdul Salam Zaeef, attended several sessions with some of the delegates in >Berlin, according to Naif Naik, though officially the Taliban had not been >invited. Naik was expected to carry the U.S. message to the Taliban. > >According to Naik, the point of the meeting was that "we would try to >convey to them that if they did certain things, then, gradually, they >could win the jackpot, get something in return from the international >community." It might, Naik said, "be possible to persuade the Taliban that >once a broader-based government was in place and the oil pipeline under >way, there would be billions of dollars in commission, and the Taliban >would have their own resources." > >It was at the July meeting, according to Naik, that Tom Simons suggested >that Afghanistan could face an open-ended military operation from bases in >Uzbekistan and Tajikistan if it didn't accede to U.S. demands. "Ambassador >Simons stated that if the Taliban wouldn't agree with the plan, and if >Pakistan was unable to persuade them, the United States might use an overt >action against Afghanistan," Naik says. The words used by Simons were "a >military operation," according to Naik. Another participant reportedly >said the Taliban's choice was clear: either accept a "carpet of gold" >riches from the pipeline or "a carpet of bombs," meaning a military strike. > >Lee Coldren, a member of the U.S. delegation, also confirmed to the >British newspaper the Guardian the American position at the Berlin >meeting. "I think there was some discussion of the fact that the United >States was so disgusted with the Taliban that they might be considering >some military action." > >In statements to newspapers, Simons has offered ambiguous explanations of >his statements at the July meeting. In September, he told the British >Guardian: "I've known Naik and considered him a friend for years. He's an >honorable diplomat. I didn't say anything like that and didn't hear anyone >else say anything like that. We were clear that feeling in Washington was >strong, and that military action was one of the options down the road. But >details, I don't know where they came from." > >Yet in a November interview with Le Monde, Simons seemed to confirm that >there had been some talk of U.S. military action. "It is true that the >Taliban was asked to deliver bin Laden and form a [broader] government," >Simons told Le Monde. "We said in July that we were investigating the >attack against the USS Cole in Yemen, and that if there were solid >evidence of the implication of bin Laden, one had to expect a military >answer. One can always inflate such a declaration to see a global threat >against the Taliban. But the American declaration related only to the >response to the USS-Cole. > >"As for the 'carpet of gold and the carpet of bombs,' we actually >discussed the need for a plan for rebuilding for Afghanistan, which would >follow a political agreement," he said, adding that "It's possible that a >mischievous American participant, after several drinks, may have thought >it smart to evoke gold carpets and carpet bombs. Even Americans can't >resist the temptation to be mischievous." > >The last known meeting between U.S. and Taliban representatives took place >in August, five weeks before the Sept. 11 attacks, when U.S. Assistant >Secretary of State for Central Asian affairs Christina Rocca met with the >Taliban's ambassador to Pakistan Abdul Salam Zaeef. > >It would be unfair to suggest that the U.S. threat in July led to the >al-Qaida strike. But while Simons doesn't admit that he personally >threatened the Taliban with reprisal, he confirms that only a few weeks >before Sept. 11, American diplomats warned of military action against >Afghanistan if its leaders did not meet U.S. economic and political >demands. It is worth asking whether, had this threat been widely known, >U.S. intelligence agencies might have analyzed the information they were >receiving about bin Laden's plots against the U.S. differently. > >Now the newly discovered Atef memo makes clear that in 1998, at least, >al-Qaida was well informed about negotiations between the Taliban and the >U.S. on the oil pipeline and other American concerns. The memo also shows >that those negotiations were the Taliban's gambit to extend its power; >Mullah Omar's government never had any intention of allowing U.S. firms to >construct an oil pipeline, or letting the U.S. dictate the members of its >ruling body. Given the inside knowledge al-Qaida had about U.S.-Taliban >negotiations, it's reasonable to suspect bin Laden's group also received >and understood the U.S. threat of military action delivered in late July >as a threat of war. > >In the end, though, the U.S. got its way. Interim Afghan leader Hamid >Karzai decided on May 30 to revive the pipeline project with Pakistan and >Turkmenistan, signing an agreement under which the three governments agree >to implement a pipeline from Turkmenistan to Pakistan through Afghanistan. >Would that U.S. intelligence agencies' investigations into al-Qaida >activities in the months before Sept. 11 had such a productive ending. > > >- - - - - - - - - - - - > >About the writer >Jean-Charles Brisard, coauthor of "Bin Laden: The Forbidden Truth," is a >consultant on business and corporate intelligence > > > >_________________________________________________________________
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