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The Rockefeller File
by Gary Allen
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Chapter Twelve

The Eternal Power Behind the Throne

``Single acts of tyranny may be ascribed to the accidental opinion of a day, but a series of oppressions, begun at a distinguished period, unalterable through every change of ministers, too plainly prove a deliberate, systematical plan of reducing us to slavery.''

-Thomas Jefferson

When John D. Rockefeller was coming close to monopolizing the oil industry, one of his favorite and most effective ploys was to capture a competitor from the inside. He would place his men inside a competitor's office, or bribe employees of other firms to do his bidding. John D.'s descendants now play the same game with our government. It makes no difference which party is in power; whether a Democrat or Republican Administration, the Rockefeller people hold the key positions, especially in the fields of foreign policy and finance. The House of Rockefeller is the eternal power behind the throne.

Rockefeller influence in the White House began in 1894 with the election of William McKinley. But it was not until the election of Franklin Delano Roosevelt that it became a deciding factor in determining policy. In many ways, the New Deal was a Rockefeller deal.*

* Although it is generally believed that the New Deal was designed to help business and the stock market quickly recover from the depression, its effect was to prolong the depression for several years. We now know that this resuIt was deliberately contrived; among other reasons, the Rockefellers wanted a depressed stock market so they could buy up shares cheaply. (It is worth noting that the "New Deal deaIt most kindly with the Rockefeller interests.

For detailed information see Chapter III of the author's book,

None Dare Call It Conspiracy, and Antony Sutton's Wall Street and F.D.R.)

The main Rockefeller agent was Harry Hopkins, who had been financed by the Rockefeller - foundation for more than a decade when he ran the Organized Social Service. Hopkins was to become Franklin D. Roosevelt's alter ego, even to the point of living in the White House. He was the second most powerful man in America during the war years.

As Walter Winchell reported at the time, Hopkins acknowledged his debt to the Rockefellers when he was appointed Secretary of Commerce, by offering the post of Assistant Secretary to Nelson. William Rusher tells us in the Los Angeles Herald Examiner of September 7, 1975: Nelson Rockefeller was recruited for the New Deal by FDR's confidante, Harry Hopkins, back in the 1930 's.... He apparently wasn't even a Republican by 1940, let along a conservative. In that year, at any rate, as World War II approached America, FDR did him the handsome favor of giving him a soft civilian berth in the White House where he remained straight through to V-J Day.

The fact that Nelson's name was number ten on the local draft board list, when he fortuitously -landed- his job with the New Deal, may explain why the young Rockefeller was so willing to abandon a plush family position to join the Washington bureaucracy.

The New York Times of May 20, 1960, reveals that after his appointment -Rockefeller became a Roosevelt intimate, spending secret holidays with the President at Shangri-la (now Camp David). . . ." Twenty years later, Nelson reminisced to Newsweek that" this country hasn't had a sense of purpose and direction since Roosevelt."In that 1962 interview, the future Vice President dismissed conservative Republicans, saying they were " like cattle that aren't going anywhere."

In the Dwight D. Eisenhower (CFR) administration, Nelson helped to create and served as Assistant Secretary in the Department of Health, Education and Welfare,which now takes an even larger portion of the Federal Budget than does defense. But the job of running a government is so immense that the Rockefellers must delegate most of -the work to friends, associates, hirelings and agents.

Eisenhower's first Secretary of State, John Foster Dulles (CFR), was a Rockefeller cousin. Dulles' successor was Christian Herter (CFR), who had the good sense to marry into the Standard Oil fortune. Herbert Brownell (CFR) was a Rockefeller employee when Eisenhower tapped him to be Attorney General. Brownell subsequently selected hundreds of federal judges, district attorneys, US Marshals, and White House staffers.

Seventeen other key figures at the top of the Eisenhower Administration were supplied by the Rockefellers' CFR.

Soon after his election as President, John F. Kennedy (CFR) followed Rocky's advice and named Dean Rusk of the CFR to be his Secretary of State. Rusk, whom Kennedy had never met, took a leave of absence as head of the Rockefeller Foundation to accept the post.

Kennedy's appointment for Under Secretary of State was Chester Bowles, a fellow CFR member who has been a trustee of the Rockefeller Brothers Fund and a director of the Rockefeller Foundation. Democrat Kennedy then named Standard Oil executive Alexander Trowbridge (CFR) as Assistant Secretary of Commerce, and President Johnson later promoted him to Secretary of Commerce.

President Kennedy also named Roswell Gilpatrick (CFR), a trustee of the Rockefeller Brothers Fund, as Deputy Secretary of Defense. Virtually every top position in the administration of JFK and LBJ was held by a member of the CFR.

Richard Nixon appointed Nelson Rockefeller's attorney John Mitchell as Attorney General, and Mitchell ran the President's campaign for re-election and became his chief advisor on domestic policy. Nixon's first Vice President was the ill-fated Spiro Agnew, who had been national chairman of the Rockefeller for President Committee in 1968 and an outspoken opponent of Nixon until Rocky approved his White House role.

Chief advisor to both Nixon and Ford on foreign policy, of course, is the ubiquitious Secretary of State, Henry Kissinger, who left a staff position with the CFR to join the Nixon Administration. For ten years Kissinger had been Nelson Rockefeller's personal foreign policy advisor. Altogether Richard Nixon staffed his Administration with over 115 CFR members. (The complete list is contained in the author's Richard Nixon: The Man Behind The Mask.) The vast majority of these remain in the Ford-Rockefeller (or is it vice-versa?) regime.

Years ago, Nelson Rockefeller reportedly demanded, and received, the privilege of naming his men to top administrative posts on all important Republican committees-including the vital National, Senatorial, Congressional, and Policy committees. The effect on the Republican Party is all too (perfectly) clear. It has been reliably estimated that over the years the Rockefellers have placed at least five thousand persons in important positions at the highest levels of the federal government. The Rockefeller influence and authority now runs the top Civil Service bureaucracy, thereby transcending the administrations of mere Republicans and Democrats.*

Having a big stake in an internationalist foreign policy, the Rockefellers always make sure that the Secretary of State and the Director of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) are "their boys". Marshall, Acheson, Dulles, Herter, Rusk and Kissinger have all labored to turn the backward Soviet Union into a creditable power to force the Great Merger, while at the same time fighting wars to make the world safe for Standard Oil. The CIA has served as the State Department's and Standard Oil's enforcement arm, destroying genuine anti-communist movements around the world.* (Chile seems to be the one exception. Apparently the Rockefellers did not care to lose their holdings in that nation.)

The CIA was created and staffed by Rockefeller relative Allen Dulles.

* Indeed, Ford's most important early appointment was Edward Levi as Attorney General. Levi was the first Attorney General in modern history who had never met the President who appointed him. It is well known in Washington political circles that Levi, from the Rockefeller -endowed University of Chicago, and not a Republican, was Nelson's choice. The new Attorney General has a reputation of being about as conservative as Mao's Red Guard.

American foreign policy has meant billions of dollars for the Rockefellers. It has been paid for in many cases by the blood of our soldiers and in every case by the sweat of our taxpayers. In his Reminiscences John D. Rockefeller informs us: "One of our greatest helpers has been the State Department in Washington. Our ambassadors and ministers and consuls have aided to push our way into new markets to the utmost corners of the world.-

Washington reporter jack Anderson put it this way in 1967: ". . . the State Department has often taken its policies right out of the executive suites of the oil companies. When Big Oil can't get what it wants in foreign countries, the State Department tries to get it for them. In many countries, the American Embassies function virtually as branch offices for the Oil combine ... The State Department can be found almost always on the side of the ,seven sisters', as the oil giants are known inside the industry. . . .- The more things change, the more they remain the same.

Just as the Rockefellers make sure their capos are running" our-perenially disastrous foreign policy, you can bet your last devalued dollar that the Rockefeller Mafia controls the national and international money game.

* The Rockefellers occasionally lose a property to nationalization- at least temporarily - through madcap coups, but such instances are remarkably rare.

Here is where Rockefeller influence in the World Bank comes in handy. In the Political Economics of International Oil, Michael Tanzer admits that, although the

World Bank favors active government participation in virtually every other area, oil is a major exception: ". . . the general policies of the Bank strongly tend to favor minimizing the public sector's role. . . . The World Bank too has refused to lend money for any government oil operations in underdeveloped countries. In addition,

the Bank has also played an active, albeit subsurface, role in trying to dissuade underdeveloped countries from using their own capital for oil exploration. , . ."

The Rockefellers have made the Treasury Department virtually a branch of the Chase Manhattan Bank. Eisenhower's Secretary of the Treasury was Robert Anderson (CFR). Kennedy -switched- to Douglas Dillon (CFR and a trustee of the Rockefeller Brothers Fund). Henry Fowler (CFR) was the House of Rockefeller's rep heading the Treasury during the LBJ era. And in the year of our Ford, William Simon (CFR) runs the temple for the CFR money changers.

While Secretary of the Treasury is a significant position, chairman of the Federal Reserve Board is infinitely more important. The Federal Reserve is a mystery wrapped in an enigma for most Americans. Yet it is critical to the Rockefeller manipulations of the economy.

The Rockefellers were instrumental in creating the Federal Reserve System. It was designed at a secret meeting in 1910 at Jekyl Island off the coast of Georgia. Rockefeller agent Frank Vanderlip admitted many years later in his memoirs:

"Despite my views about the value to society of greater publicity for the affairs of corporations, there was an occasion, near the close of 1910, when I was as secretive indeed as furtive -as any conspirator ... I do not feel it is any exaggeration to speak of our secret expedition to Jekyl Island as the occasion of the actual conception of what eventually became the Federal Reserve System."

Out of the Jekyl Island meeting came the Monetary Commission Report and from it, the Aldrich Bill. Warburg had urged that the proposed legislation be designated simply, the - Federal Reserve System, 11 but Aldrich insisted his name appear as the bill's chief sponsor. This proved to be a serious mistake; the legislation was so obviously a project of the international bankers that it could not be pushed through Congress.

A new strategy had to be devised. The Republican Party was too closely identified with Wall Street. The conspirators recognized that the only way to establish a central bank was to disguise the proposal, and have it promoted by Democrats as a means to strip Wall Street of its power!

The opportunity to do this came in 1912 when the Jekyl Island conspirators induced Teddy RooseveIt to run on a third party ticket to split the Republican vote. The resuIt was that the underdog Democrat, Woodrow Wilson, won. Wilson paid off like a slot machine that has just rung up three bars.*

* A more comprehensive account of the creation and operation of the Federal Reserve is told in the author's book, None Dare Call It Conspiracy.

In order to support the fiction that the Federal Reserve Act was a -people's bill," the Insider financiers put up a smoke-screen of opposition to it. It was strictly a case of Br'er Rabbit begging not to be thrown into the briar patch ,Both Aldrich and Vanderlip denounced what was actually their own bill. Nearly twenty-five years later, frank Vanderlip admitted:"No walthough the Aldrich Federal Reserve Plan was defeated when it bore the name Aldrich nevertheless its essential points were all contained in the plan that finally was adopted.

Taking advantage of Congress' desire to adjourn for Christmas, the Federal Reserve Act was passed or December 22, 1913, by a vote of 298 to 60 in the House and in the Senate by a majority of 43 to 25.

After the vote, Congressman Charles A. Lindberg Sr. father of the famous aviator, told Congress:

" This act establishes the most gigantic trust on earth ...When the President signs this act the invisible government by the money power, proven to exist by the Money Trust investigation, will be legalized. . . .

This is the Aldrich Bill in disguise.

The new law will create inflation whenever the trusts want inflation. .

The Federal Reserve Act was, and still is, hailed as a victory of "democracy" over the "money trust." Nothing could be further from the truth. The whole central bank concept was engineered by the very group it was supposed to strip of power.

How powerful is our central bank" ?

The Federal Reserve controls our money supply and interest rates, and thereby manipulates the entire economy creating inflation or deflation, recession or boom, and sending the stock market up or down at will. The Federal Reserve is so powerful that Congressman Wright Patman, Chairman of the House Banking Committee, maintains:

"In the United States today we have in effect two governments ... We have the duly constituted Government ... Then we have an independent, uncontrolled and uncoordinated government in the Federal Reserve System, operating the money powers which are reserved to Congress by the Constitution."

Neither Presidents, Congressmen nor Secretaries of the Treasury direct the Federal Reserve. In the matters of money, the Federal Reserve directs them!

How successful has the Federal Reserve System been? It depends on your point of view. Since Woodrow Wilson took his oath of office, the national debt has skyrocketed from $1 billion to over $500 billion. Interest paid to the international bankers holding that debt is staggering; at $27 billion annually, it is now the third largest item in the Federal Budget. And it is climbing steeply, as inflation pushes up the interest rate on government bonds, while the government runs grotesque deficits every year.

Under the brilliant expertise of these Rockefeller-CFR money managers, the dollar has lost three-fourths of its purchasing power since 1940. And the pace is accelerating. Soon your paper dollar, now totally divorced from gold and silver by Rockefellers' agents, will not be worth a plugged nickel. It's all right for the Rockefellers, they don't have to live on a fixed income or a pension.

America is being set up today for another 1929 style debacle. To think that the Crash of 1929 was an accident or the resuIt of stupidity defies all logic. The international bankers who promoted the inflationary policies and pushed the propaganda which pumped up the stock market represented too many generations of accumulated expertise to have blundered into the Great Depression. As Congressman Louis McFadden, Chairman of the House Banking and Currency Committee, commented:

It [the Depression] was not accidental. It was a carefully contrived occurrence ... The international bankers sought to bring about a condition of despair here so that they might emerge as rulers of us all.

It was the game of boom and bust, using economic crisis to consolidate political power at the top where it can be most easily controlled.

The major cause of the economic collapse was the deliberately created credit inflation by the Federal Reserve. In six years it had inflated the money supply by sixty-two %, inducing market speculations and unwise investments by middle Americans who were being set up for a shearing. When the shearing came, the sheep took a realistic look at their economy and panicked. Optimism was replaced by economic despair; despair produced a willingness to accept a major expansion of government controls over the economy.

Now, the Rockefellers are sharpening their shears to give the sheep of the world another trimming. But this time may be the last time. In 1929, America was a long way from total government. The next depression will be used as the excuse for complete socialist-fascist controls at home and the creation of a World Superstate internationally.

Just as the Rockefellers use the Export-Import Bank as a tool to loot the capital and credit-starved American economy and its over-taxed citizenry, so they also use the UN's World Bank as yet another siphon in the U.S. Taxpayer's wallet.

A key lieutenant in fleecing American workers has beer Eugene Black (CFR), a director of the Rockefeller's Chase Manhattan Bank. For fifteen years Black was (successively) executive director, president, and then chairman of the executive directors of the World Bank. It is an amazing -coincidence- how officers of the Rockefeller's Chase Manhattan Bank keep turning up as officials of the World Bank.

The current head of the World Bank is the notorious Robert Strange McNamara, who did more than any American since Benedict Arnold to betray America's defenses. If you have not guessed that McNamara is a member of the CFR, you haven't been reading carefully enough. Not surprisingly, Mr. McNamara is eager to multiply the World Bank's loans to finance socialism. As he puts it: "The rich nations could easily contribute more than they have done to the poor nations. "He continues:

We in the US can do far more to cure our own national problems. And just as we can do more to correct those conditions, so we can do more to contribute to the economic development of the developing nations. It's simply a question of getting a proper order of priorities.

And in line with CFR policy, McNamara is already pushing the World Bank to begin pumping out your money to the Communist bloc. As Chairman McNamara puts it: "We're quite willing to receive approaches by any Eastern European or other Communist bloc members not now members of the bank.-

Through their Council on Foreign Relations, the Family Rockefeller has controlled the executive branch of government, especially the Departments of State and Treasury. Public opinion is manufactured by the CFR's ventriloquists in the mass media. But, Congress still plays a key role in governing the United States. The House of Rockefeller has formed two organizations specifically to influence Congress. They are Common Cause and the National Committee for an Effective Congress.

The National Committee for an Effective Congress was formed by Eleanor Roosevelt in 1948 to elect -progressive- (read fascist-socialist) Senators. The organization makes no pretense at being a grass-roots group. The average donation by the limousine liberals to the NCEC in 1972 was $13,000.

Members of the NCEC believe the selection of Congressmen is too important to be left to the local voters.

Since 1948 they have helped change the composition of Congress by passing the hat around Wall Street to ensure that "their kind- of Congressman was elected in Montana, Iowa, Tennessee and West Virginia."Their kind includes such ultra-liberals as Senators Hubert Humphrey, Birch Bayh, Alan Cranston, Frank Church, Clifford Case, Adlai Stevenson, Thomas Eagleton, and George McCovern -all of whom have been supported by the Wall Street internationalists of the NCEC; and all of whom can be counted on to vote for more and more fascist-socialist government.

In the past, the National Committee for an Effective Congress has concentrated on bankrolling compliant Senators. But in 1974, the megabuck liberals began financing" their kind - of candidates for the House of Representatives. During the election that year, the NCEC worked to eliminate opponents of the Rockefeller's " New World Order." The result was a mighty leap to the left in the House, as dozens of veteran Conservatives went down to defeat.

For the 1974 campaign, the NCEC hired professional campaign managers for 49 Democrat candidates around the country. Thirty-five of them won and promptly became the much heralded -Freshman Democratic Caucus.-

Having eliminated most of the old-line Republicans, in 1976, according to the Washington Post's David Broder, the NCEC will concentrate on electing Liberal Republicans who can work with Nelson Rockefeller. Candidates who convince the multi-millionaire internationalists of the National Committee for an Effective Congress that they are willing to represent them, rather than their constituents, can receive unlimited thousands of dollars. It will come in the form of "services" - free publicity from the mass media, free "research," free polling to determine the "image" which the candidate needs to project, free attacks on opponents, free mailings and literature on appropriate"issues."Above all, the candidate can expect free workers who will not only manage his campaign, but will proceed to manage him when he gets to Congress.

The Rockefeller front entrusted with the task of creating popular support for the Insiders' takeover is an organization called Common Cause. Common Cause masquerades as"the people's lobby," but nothing could be further from the truth.

Common Cause was launched in the early 1970's with all of the hoopla of a million-dollar advertising campaign planned by P. T. Barnum. Full-page newspaper ads and slick direct-mail pieces announced that something called Common Cause would be neither Republican nor Democrat, but a -people's lobby, representing all Americans against the "rich and powerful."It should be sued for false advertising.

Chairman of Common Cause is an establishmentarian with impressive credentials, John Gardner. As Secretary of the Department of Health, Education and Welfare in the mid -1960's, Gardner pushed federal money and programs at everything that moved. In the area of federalized health care alone, HEW programs initiated under Gardner included Medicare, Medic aid, federal staffing of community mental health centers, federal planning of public health services, and scores of other socialist fascist programs costing billions. But Gardner now heads an Establishment -financed -people's lobby- to destroy the -special interests- dominating politics.

Of course no huckster worth his salt is anxious for the public to become aware of the sting. So John Gardner has removed a few of his more revealing credits from the biography he prepares for Who's Who In America. Among those positions which he has expunged from the record are his seat on the board of trustees of the Rockefeller Brothers Fund. After all, it might be embarrassing while calling publicly for emasculating the power of the big banks and their fat trusts if people found out you are currently serving at the pleasure of the controllers of Chase Manhattan Bank. Some suspicious souls might doubt your sincerity. The giant oil producers are another"target-of Gardner's Common Cause. Naturally he no longer lists his position on the board of directors of Shell Oil, which is the world's second-largest oil company.

Buried deep in the records of the Senate Clerk is a lobbyist's report filed by Gardner showing receipts for the last quarter of 1970. The largest donor was John D. Rockefeller III, who anted up twenty-five thousand dollars; David Rockefeller gave ten thousand dollars; Martha Rockefeller provided another ten thousand; Chase Manhattan Bank gave five thousand dollars; kindly Amory Houghton Jr. of the Rockefeller Foundation provided ten thousand; Nelson Rockefeller gave a guarded five hundred dollars; J. Richardson Dilworth, the family's financial advisor, gave five hundred; A. Meyer, senior partner in Lazard Freres and Company, the Rothschild's US Bank, provided ten thousand dollars; A. E. Friedman, a partner in the Rockefeller-allied Kuhn, Loeb and Company, gave a thousand; and, the list of the Establishment's super-rich goes on and on and on.

Notice that this was the "up-front" money-the big cash that made Common Cause possible. It was the Rockefellers and their allies who supplied the seed money, the money used to buy the advertisements in all those magazines and newspapers and to pay for the mailing to 2.5 million Americans soliciting those fifteen-dollar memberships in Common Cause. Without the Rockefellers there would have been no kickoff, no quarter of a million members whose dues allow the organization's spokesmen to claim that the Rockefellers supplied only a small %age of money raised. But how many people out in Kumquat Corners would fall for the Gardner snake on routine if they knew that he was fronting for Daddy Rockabucks? About as many as attend submarine race at Boise.

Common Cause claims a membership of 350,000 and operates on an annual budget of $6.3 million. Ironically, in the yearly report required by law of lobbyists it now find itself in the position of declaring the highest expenditure of any lobby on Capitol Hill. The Rockefeller anti-lobby is now the biggest of the bunch.

The massive coverage given Common Cause by the Establishment journals is indicated by the fact that during 1974 the New York Times News Service, alone, carried over one hundred articles about Common Cause. That is a major article about Common Cause every 3.5 days. When you consider the hundreds of key newspapers across the country that subscribe to the New York Times News Service, and remember that the other major news services have also carried a similarly large number of stories puffing Common Cause, you readily see why the impact of its every move is enormous.

The other major triumph of the Rockefellers' Common Cause is the -campaign reform- act of 1974. In its recruiting brochure, Common Cause proclaims that 11 members of Common Cause have led the citizens' effort to change the way our nation finances political campaigns.-

There are many dangerous implications to the law. Howard Phillips reports in Human Events for November 2, 1974, that under this legislation"a candidate whose views are at variance from the dominant political establishment is limited in how much he may spend or cause to be expended in his own behalf." Meanwhile, Phillips says, the problems of candidates challenging the Liberal Establishment" can be seriously increased through "non-political expenditures made by issue-oriented" Liberal organizations [like NCEC or Common Cause] which put forth large sums to advance their viewpoints, although escaping any spending limitations under the act (because, technically, the money is not spent 'against' the candidate with which they disagree).

This is what Common Cause calls -opening up the system." It is a dodge to allow the Rockefellers and their friends who control Common Cause to raise and spend vast sums to defeat their opponents while limiting the ability of those opponents to raise funds.

Now that the Rockefellers have the kind of Congress they want, they mean to keep it that way. They know that a Liberal Establishment which controls the mass media can give its favorite candidate vast amounts of free publicity which, in the past, anti-Establishment candidates could only match with money. They believe that they have now closed that potential source of opposition. Common Cause advertises that it is a "new force on the American political scene."What it is ... is a Rockefeller political front. And it is dangerously powerful. As Congressman F. Edward Hebert declared in an NBC interview on February 5, 1975:

The American people better wake up to what this outfit is doing because they can destroy the country. The new Congressmen are not running Congress, Common Cause is running Congress.

Who elected them?

That is a good question, Congressman Hebert. And the answer is: The same Insiders who -elected- Nelson Rockefeller Vice President of the United States.

Back to table of contents

Chapter Thirteen

Was Nixon Watergated ?

``After all, when you think of what I had, what else [other than the Presidency ] was there to aspire to? ''

-Nelson Rockefeller

Nelson Rockefeller has admitted that his goal in life since he was a child has been to be President of the United States."After all" he admitted, "when you think of what I had, what else was there to aspire to?" He has a point there.

Newsweek of September 2, 1974 tells us: "Ever since his boyhood meeting with Teddy Roosevelt, it seems, 'Nelson Rockefeller had been propelling himself toward the Oval Office. Nothing less would suit his ambition. . . "

But the road to the White House for Nelson has been, if you will pardon the expression, rocky. He has had to settle for an un-elected and politically engineered Vice Presidency, a position at which he had previously turned up his nose several times.

Nelson's first attempt at the Presidency came in 1960, shortly after his election as governor of New York Richard Nixon had been Vice President for eight years, however, and had spent much of the time making speeches for the COP. In 1960, he collected his political, IOUs from the majority of party activists and Rockefeller had no chance of getting the nomination. Where Rocky found he could not win the actual nomination. He moved to dictate policy from behind the scenes. A meeting was thus arranged between Rockefeller and Nixon on the Saturday before the Republican Convention opened in Chicago.

The Republican Platform Committee had been meeting for an entire week, laboriously pounding out a platform reflecting the views of party members from all fifty states

The Watergate Caper, the coup d'etat that knocked President Nixon out of the White House, was carefully engineered by the two agents for the House of Rockefeller

shown above. It is now known that Henry Kissinger (left) was responsible for creating the Plumbers squad in the first place, while the instant

General," Alexander Haig (right), made sure that the most incriminating evidence on the tapes was given in advance to the men investigating his boss!

Together, the two men forced a bitter and dejected Nixon to resign, thus paving the way (finally!) to get a Rockefeller into the White House without risking an election Rocky would surely lose.

But, at the meeting between Nixon and Nelson at Rockefeller's Fifth Avenue apartment in New York City, Nixon accepted everything Rockefeller dictated. The Platform Committee's sweat-stained document was ashcanned and, presto Chicago, Rockefeller's Liberal platform was substituted. Goldwater dejectedly called Nixon's surrender to Rockefeller" the Munich of the Republican Party.-

Republicans everywhere understood the significance of the new Rockefeller-Nixon alliance. Nixon had traded his independence for approval by the House of Rockefeller.

The truth is that Nixon had the nomination in the bag; there was no need for him to crawl to Rockefeller to win it. Nixon knew this, but he also knew who held the ultimate power behind both political parties.

Certainly there was never any love lost between Richard and Rocky. They have detested each other for years. Newsweek of September 2, 1974, tells us: "The Nixon Presidency was a painful period for the proud governor. Privately, friends say, Rockefeller despised the self-made man from Yorba Linda. . . .

Rocky, the man born to economic royalty, must have deeply resented having to operate through this Sammy Click-type character who looked like a used car salesman, but had clawed his way to the White House. But the two men needed each other. Nelson's influence in the COP is immense at the top, but is almost non-existent among voters at the grass roots.

After forcing Nixon's humiliating surrender, Rockefeller virtually sat out the 1960 campaign and allowed New York to go for Kennedy. Nixon surprised most observers by quietly accepting the defeat that had been arranged for him, refusing even to protest the vote fraud in Texas and Illinois which deprived him of the election.*

* This story is described at length in Richard Nixon: The Man Behind The Mask by this author.

Richard Nixon returned to California to practice law but remained at the beck and call of his jealous and hostile boss in New York. One indication of their real relationship was the Joe Shell affair. Shell was a long-time California State Assemblyman who planned to oppose Democrat incumbent Pat Brown for the governorship in 1962. Early in the year, he received a call from Rockefeller, asking whom he would support at the 1964 convention if he were elected. The conservative Assemblyman told Rockefeller that under no circumstances could he support the ultra-liberal New Yorker. One week later, Shell's office received a call from Rockefeller's New York office with the news that Richard Nixon would oppose Shell in the COP gubernatorial primary-even though Nixon had previously assured Shell that he had absolutely no interest in being Governor of California.

The important point here is that Nixon was not interested in the job until he received orders from his boss in New York. Nixon had everything to lose and virtually nothing to gain by running against an incumbent Democrat governor in a state with an overwhelming Democrat registration plurality.

Following an incredibly inept campaign, in which his chief target was Nelson's old bugaboo, the -radical right," not Bungling Brown's record, Nixon lost the race. His political career appeared to have come to an end.

As he put it: -You won't have Nixon to kick around anymore."

Apparently, the Nixon candidacy was as much a test of obedience as it was a move to head off a potential Rockefeller opponent. In any case, having thrown himself onto a bed of nails at the behest of Rockefeller, Nixon was thrown a lifeline and brought to New York. He moved into an elegant $125,000 apartment in the same building as Nelson Rockefeller-the very one in which the infamous 11 Compact of Fifth Avenue- was signed. Nixon was made a partner in a law firm which did a lot of trust and bond business with the friendly folk at Chase Manhattan Bank.

During the next five years Nixon practiced very little law, yet his net worth jumped from practically nothing to over half-a-million dollars. Most of his time was spent touring the nation and the world rebuilding his political reputation. When the Rockefellers needed him in 1968, he had been resurrected from the political trash heap and turned into a legitimate candidate.

Meanwhile, Nelson had been giving the Presidency the old college try himself. He might have made it in 1964 had not his divorce and remarriage alienated a large segment of middle America. Rockefeller learned the hard way that a lot of women don't forgive a man who abandons a wife of long standing to marry a much younger and prettier one. When the new bride abandons her own children to marry the man in question, it compounds the outrage.

In 1968, Nelson made a half-hearted attempt to wrest the nomination from Nixon. But the handwriting was on the wailing wall. "Theold avidity is gone," groaned Nelson. Once again, he had to settle for owning the team instead of starting as quarterback.

Nixon's appointments to policy-making positions confirmed that the House of Rockefeller did indeed own the team: they went almost entirely to Rockefeller men. In his inner circle, however, Nixon tried to surround himself with men like H. R. Haldeman and John Ehrlichman, who were personally loyal to him, not to Rockefeller. The two most notable exceptions were Kissinger and General Alexander Haig. Both men were known Rockefeller agents, and it is these two men who may have masterminded Nixon's early retirement.

If Nixon was an obedient Rockefeller man-if not necessarily a loyal one-why then did the Rockefeller controlled media orchestrate the campaign to dispose him? Several possible explanations have been advanced. One is that Nixon grew too accustomed to the prerogatives of power, and believed that he had become an equal partner in the deal. There are some hints that Nixon himself may have initiated some of the in-fighting between the two factions. The forced resignation of Spiro Agnew, brought about by a combination of pressure from the Executive Branch and prosecution by Executive departments, may have been part of this.

Another suggestion is that Rockefeller gave the nudge that toppled Agnew from the White House, counting on Nixon to appoint him to the Vice Presidency. When Nixon refused, and appointed Ford instead, the media dropped on him like a piano from the top of a ten-story building.

We may never know the full story of what started the internecine warfare. But we do know what was the decisive encounter in the battle: Watergate. And as we unravel the twisting threads of this strange saga, we find that each tug that ultimately toppled Nixon from the throne can be traced to Rockefeller.

The burglary at the Democratic Headquarters in the Watergate Hotel was not exactly carried out with the precision of a James Bond movie. It was more like the Three Stooges at their most slapstick. It was so clumsy, in fact, that the whole operation smells of a set-up. First: one of the burglars alerted a guard, by replacing the tape over the door locks after the guard had discovered and removed the first one. Even though their efforts had been discovered, the boss of the operation, Cordon Liddy, sent the burglars back to the Watergate. There they proceeded to flash lights, rip the place apart, and in general act as if they had all night to perform their mission. The man posted as lookout saw the police enter the building, but either failed to alert the men inside-or his warning was ignored.

It was as though the burglars were meant to be caught. And when they were, one of them conveniently was carrying the White House telephone number of E. Howard Hunt in his pocket.

Watergate began with the creation of the "Plumbers." The Plumbers were created by Kissinger to stop leaks on his staff. 'Both Nixon staffers John Dean and Charles Colson reported that Kissinger got Nixon so upset over leaks that the President decided, at Kissinger's suggestion to set up a Special White House Investigating Unit, which later became known as the Plumbers. According to Dean it was Rockefeller who had Kissinger sucker Nixon into forming the Plumbers. Little did Nixon know that he being mouse trapped.

Nationally syndicated columnist Paul Scott reports:

Records of the Senate Watergate Committee investigation indicates that Dean's testimony concerning Rockefeller was never followed up by the committee's staff. The reason: Committee members were against calling Rockefeller.

Kissinger put a member of his staff, David Young, in charge of the unit. You have never heard of David Young? join the multitudes. He was a Wall Street lawyer who had worked for Rockefeller before being promoted to Kissinger's staff.. After Watergate, Young was spirited off to a cushy assignment in London as a very advanced student, and the mediacracy has dutifully ignored his key role in Watergate.

The Watergate burglary, which was bungled more badly than a Keystone Cops chase, ended with a proven link to the White House. But no one ever claimed that Nixon gave the nod for the break-in; it was his role in the coverup that led to his downfall.

Watergate did start in the White House, however. But not by Nixon or any of his men. It was launched by the premier Rockefeller man, Henry Kissinger.

It was the activities of the Plumbers which brought the downfall of Richard Nixon. And Kissinger, Rockefeller and the CIA were obviously deeply involved. Former White House aide Charles Colson has said that Nixon suspected the CIA was in the plot "upto their eyeballs." Colson says Nixon wanted to fire the director of the CIA and personally investigate what was believed to be a CIA conspiracy against him. He was persuaded not to do so by General Alexander Haig, the Rockefeller man who replaced Bob Haldeman. Colson portrays Nixon as a virtual captive of Kissinger and Haig in the Oval Office during his last months in the Presidency.

But Richard Nixon would have survived the Watergate scandal had it not been for those damned tapes. At the beginning of the Watergate hearings, no one even knew they existed. The fact that all Nixon conversations had been recorded was revealed almost casually by Alexander Butterfield, White House liaison with the Secret Service. It is hard to believe that this bombshell, which which was to remove a President, could be dropped with such an air of innocence. Could it have been planned?

We now know that Butterfield had been a CIA informant. He has been accused of working with (if not for) the CIA when he was in charge of all the tapings in the White House. Had Blabbermouth Butterfield, who was called to testify about other matters-not the tapes-- stonewall edit, Nixon would not have been forced to resign. Even if asked a direct question about any recordings, Butterfield could have maintained that such matters related to national security and must remain confidential.

Nixon has said that the taping system was installed in the Oval Room at the suggestion of LBJ to preserve his conversations for posterity. Soon the whole White House and even Camp David were bugged. The White House monitoring system kept better track of people than do most prisons. The President could not walk from one room to another without that fact being recorded and a buzzer ringing and a light flashing on a console operated by Butterfield. Voices automatically started the tape recorders spinning. Keep in mind that it was not Mr. Nixon who turned the recorders off and on. It is as though the President were under constant surveillance by others, who wanted to know about his every word and movement.

Why didn't Nixon have the tape machines shut off the day after the! Watergate arrests? Or, failing that, why didn't he destroy the tapes after Butterfield revealed their existence? Several rationalizations have been put forth, none of which ring true. One is that Nixon was mesmerized by the arrogance of power and did not believe the Supreme Court could or would subpoena the tapes. Since there was no precedent, why take the risk? Nixon must have known his very survival as President of the United States was at stake.

Another explanation is that Nixon is compulsively greedy for money and wanted to keep the tapes for use in writing his memoirs, or to donate to the national archives and take a multimillion dollar tax deduction. Much as Nixon may like money, he would hardly jeopardize the Presidency -and risk a jail term- to keep the tapes.

And he is now in the process of writing his memoirs for a million dollar fee without, benefit of those tapes.

Remember, releasing the tapes would not exonerate Nixon, they would prove him guilty of every cover-up charge made against him. Why would this cunning politician, this ruthless abuser of power, this man from whom no one would buy a used car, not simply destroy the tapes himself?

Nixon could have gone on national television in the great tradition of the Checkers speech, and said something like this:

My fellow Americans. As your President, it is my sacred duty to protect your rights and our national security. And, let me make this perfectly clear - I shall not shrink from that duty, no matter how unpleasant the consequences.

The tapes contained privileged and highly secret information, the publication of which would embarrass many honorable public servants and jeopardize our delicate relations with foreign powers. It is therefore necessary to do what is best for the country and not what is best for myself.

Public release of the tapes would exonerate me, but jeopardize the fate of the nation. I have met this obligation, knowing full well that I shall be terribly criticized by a cynical and hostile press, by destroying the tapes. I know that you, the American people -the finest people in the world-will back me up in this crisis. Thank you and good night.

To be sure, if Nixon had - stonewalled - it this way, the screaming would have been loud and profane. Senator Kennedy, the hero of Chappaquiddick, would have made a speech about abusing power to cover up crimes. But, there would have been no proof. And there is no way in the world that the President of the United States could have been removed from office without such evidence. Controversy would rage and Nixon would finish his second term under a cloud of doubt. But, there is no doubt he would finish the term! Better ugly suspicions than the damning truth. Watergate Prosecutor Leon Jaworski has admitted that" if Mr. Nixon had destroyed the tapes at the time their existence was disclosed in July, 1973,he would still be President.-

Can anybody believe, as Dr. Susan Huck has asked, that Nixon sat there like a good scout, watching the lynch mob fasten a hangman's knot out of those wretched tapes, and refuse to destroy the noose? That isn't the Nixon depicted on the tapes-much less in public life.

Why then did not Nixon, that ultimate political opportunist, burn the tapes? We believe the only logical answer is that either Nixon did not control the tapes, or he knew there was more than one set. In a word, he did not destroy them because he could not.

Have you ever wondered how everybody seemed to know what was on the tapes, and where,before they were "turned over - to committee staffs, special prosecutors, or judge Sirica? The mediacracy didn't wonder. So far as we can discover, the only person who has asked this question is Dr. Susan Huck, in the February 1975 issue of American Opinion magazine.

Consider the fantastic detail involved in the requests. On August 14th, for example, judge Sirica demanded the "entire segment of tape on the reel identified as 'White House telephone start 5/25/72 (2:00 P.M.) (skipping 8 lines) 6/23/72 (2:50 P.M.) (832) complete." I don't know what all the identifying numbers mean-but you have to agree that only somebody very familiar with the tapes would know.

These boys knew precisely what to look for! Here is another sample request:

January 8, 1973 from 4:05 to 5:34 P.M. (E.O.B.)

a) at approximately 10 minutes and 15 seconds into the conversation, a segment lasting 6 minutes and 31 seconds:

b) at approximately 67 minutes into the conversation, a segment lasting 11 minutes;

c) at approximately 82 minutes and 15 seconds into the conversation, a segment lasting 5 minutes and 31 seconds.

As Dr. Huck observed:"It does sound as though some body-obviously not the President - has been curled up with those tapes for many a long hour, doesn't it? Somebody knows exactly where the juicy parts are, down to the second.-

Remember, all White House conversations-in person and on the phone-had been"bugged-for at least a year. There were literally miles of tapes in storage somewhere. But it is obvious the investigators already had the evidence they sought when the various subpoenas were issued!

Who then controlled the tapes, or had access to a duplicate set? There is (understandably) very little information available on this crucial question. It is worth noting, however, that while L13J's recording system had been installed by the Army Signal Corps, the Nixon monitors were established by the Secret Service. So it is of more than passing significance that Newsweek on September 23, 1974, reported:

While former White House chief of staff H. R. Haldeman awaits trial for his part in Watergate, the Secret Service chief he ousted from the White House last year has landed a plum job. Robert H. Taylor, 49, who tangled with Haldeman over Nixon security procedures, is now head of the private security forces for all the far-flung Rockefeller family enterprises.

Hmmm. Once Nixon is deposed, the head of the Secret Service-the man in charge of the agency which was in charge of the tapes-gets"a plum job- with the Rockefeller Empire. And what of the Rockefeller's number one man in the White House?

We know that Henry Kissinger was deeply involved in wire tapping his own staff and several journalists. But the one member of the White House staff who apparently never had his remarks taped in the Oval Office was Herr Kissinger -who also, as it happens, was chief of all US intelligence gathering operations. And who also, we now know, was responsible for establishing the Plumbers in the first place!

But through all of this, Kissinger's loyalty was not with his President, it was with the Rockefellers! Kissinger had been through three losing campaigns with Nelson Rockefeller and openly spoke of despising Nixon. Biographer David Hanna quotes Kissinger as stating, after Nixon's nomination in 1968: "That man is unfit to be President. I would never work for that man. He is a disaster."Yet Kissinger was the first appointment made by Nixon.

Nixon did not know Kissinger well; in fact, he had only met the man once before in his life-at a cocktail party. And Kissinger was on record as standing 180 degrees to the left of Nixon's campaign utterances. Clearly,' Kissinger was put in the Nixon Administration by Rockefeller (who sent his protégé off to Washington with a tidy little gift of $50,000). In his Vice Presidential hearings, Nelson Rockefeller even acknowledged that Kissinger took the job because Rocky asked him to do so.*

While it was Henry Kissinger who set Nixon's head on the chopping block, it was another Rockefeller agent, General Alexander Haig, who applied the axe. Haig was appointed -at Kissinger's suggestion-as an interim replacement for the hastily deposed Bob Haldeman.

Like Dwight Eisenhower and George Marshall, two generals whose careers had a bad case of the blahs until anointed by the House of Rockefeller, Haig's career took off like a Saturn rocket when he joined the Rockefeller team through the Council on Foreign Relations. In 1969, he was a colonel. Four years later he had miraculously become a four star general, having skipped the three star rank entirely. What happened to trigger this remarkable rise In 1969, Haig became an assistant to Kissinger; subsequently, he was catapulted over 240 general officers when Nixon raised him to four-star rank. Such a promotion should mark Haig as one of the great military leaders in our history. But, his promotions did not come as

* So critical was the Kissinger appointment that Nixon waived the customary FBI security clearance for his nominee as Secretary of State. The reasons Kissinger could never pass accurate security procedures will be discussed in our follow-up book, The Kissinger File a result of military achievements -there were none. They were political. Haig was now a general in the Rockefeller Army, an army which tells other armies when to march.

Syndicated columnist Jerald TerHorst, who did a short stint as Ford's press secretary', tells us:

For most of the final Nixon year, as Haig himself would agree, he [Haig] was the acting president of the United States. With a troubled President drawing more and more within his shell, everyone in the government, with the possible exception of [Haig's sponsor] Kissinger, was working for Al Haig.

William Safire, a Nixon speech writer, says in the November 11, 1973 New York Times magazine:"Haig is far more powerful than Haldeman ever was; but he exercises it more gently ... Haig learned this technique from the past master, Henry Kissinger. . . .- In his new book, Before The Fall, Safire calls Haig -Kissinger's alter ego."Significantly, the Washington Post's Barry Sussman refers to Haig as " Butterfield's former colleague."

You see, it was Alexander Haig who had control of the vauIt where the Watergate tapes were kept. Two months after Haig became the keeper of the keys, his former colleague Butterfield tipped off the Watergate Committee about their existence. Since it is perfectly clear that the subpoenas for the tapes were written by persons already possessing a detailed familiarity with their contents, it is painfully obvious that Haig had already provided them with copies of the pertinent excerpts.

It was now time for the axe to fall. In the June 8, 1975 issue of Parade magazine, Lloyd Shearer tells us: "From May 1973 to August 1974, Haig was Nixon's chief of staff. It was he who adroitly engineered, orchestrated and choreographed Nixon's resignation from the Presidency.

According to Shearer, Nixon was determined not to resign. "Yet Haig knew that he must."The reason for Haig's insistence, according to Parade, was that if the President insisted on a trial and lost, he would lose his pension and other government benefits. You will pardon us for believing that Haig had much more compelling reasons for giving Nixon the final push.

How did he do it? Haig -orchestrated the resignation march," says Shearer, by taking the evidence against Nixon to Republican Congressmen, Presidential speech writers and others close to Nixon. "Haig saw to it that Senator Barry Goldwater, the conservative bulwark of the Republican Party, was provided with the damning tape transcripts of June 23,- Shearer reported. Get that? The President's chief assistant finds out the boss won't budge, so he takes copies of the most damning tapes to the few supporters Nixon had left! Why didn't Nixon fire Haig and burn the tapes? Again, the most obvious, most logical answer is that he did not because he could not.

Shearer continues:

And at the next and final Cabinet meeting, with at least half the members expecting him to resign, Nixon rambled on about inflation, declared his intention to stay on, ordered them to pass the word.

Haig and Kissinger exchanged glances. ! When the Cabinet meeting was over, Kissinger stayed behind. Gently he suggested that the President resign.

Later that same afternoon,"Haig played his final card."Republican Senate leaders Hugh Scott and Barry Goldwater, joined by House Minority Leader John Rhodes, visited Nixon and told him his support in the Senate had evaporated. "That night," reports Shearer, "after again talking to Kissinger and Haig, Richard Nixon decided to resign."

And that is how the Three Muskateers for the House of Rockefeller engineered the coup d'etat that removed Nixon from the White House, and put Nelson in. There must have been quite a celebration that night in Pocantico Hills.

Please do not misunderstand us. We are not claiming that Richard Nixon was an innocent lamb done in by the big bad wolf. It was more like AI Capone rubbing out Bugs Moran and then sending flowers to the funeral. The point is that the entire scenerio-from the creation of the Plumbers, through the incredibly bungled Watergate break-in, to the revelation of the existence of the tapes, to the preservation of the tapes and their use to force Nixon to resign -was written and directed by Rockefeller front men.

It is not without meaning that only those connected with the Rockefeller empire survived Watergate, while nearly everybody else was in disgrace-some pounding big rocks into little rocks.

Alexander Haig, the - instant General - as Dr. Huck called him, was quick to get his reward. Haig is now Supreme Allied Commander Europe, the general in charge of the NATO military command. In order to replace Haldeman, Haig had to retire from the Army. Can you imagine chucking four stars for a ride on the Titanic? Not bloody likely. There can be little doubt that Haig had been promised instant reinstatement and a very posh life jacket when the good ship Nixonia slipped beneath the waves. He got both.

Henry Kissinger is another big Watergate winner. Despite the fact that he not only bugged his own staff, but newspaper reporters as well, nary a word of criticism appeared in the press. Then came the disclosure that Kissinger was responsible for creating the Plumbers. Ho hum. During the Watergate scandals, Kissinger rose to the high office of Secretary of State while retaining his position as National Security Advisor. He had unprecedented power over foreign policy and intelligence. The source of his power was his sponsor, Nelson Rockefeller.

Kissinger proved, once again, that no man can serve two masters. just as Haig had said that he "was never a Nixon man," Kissinger had boasted of Nixon, "I would never work for that man." He didn't. He worked for the Rockefellers.

Another beneficiary of the Watergate fiasco was that -staunch mid-western conservative," Gerald Ford. As usual, the image created by the media moguls and the truth are light years apart. Despite what some wags have said, Ford showed, while serving on the Warren Commission investigating the assassination of John F. Kennedy, that he had not played football without a helmet once too often: he proved he could keep his mouth shut about a major cover-up. At the time he was made Vice President, Ford had attended Bilderberger meetings and had been appointed by Rockefeller to the National Commission on Critical Choices.*

* The Bilderbergers are sort of an international CFR. They meet once a year at some posh secluded hideaway to make a mockery of democracy. The meetings, composed of the world's elite men of politics, business, banking and labor, receive virtually no serious attention from the mediacracy. See Chapter 5 of None Dare Call It Conspiracy.

The catalyst who arranged Ford's appointment was former Wisconsin Congressman Mel Laird. Laird had been Secretary of Defense under Nixon and later a Presidential advisor. A member of Rockefeller's CFR, Laird knows where the power lies. If you will pardon the pun, he keeps his standards well oiled.

Acting as what Paul Scott calls "Mr. Inside - for Rockefeller, Laird succeeded in talking Nixon out of nominating former Treasury Secretary John Connally to succeed Agnew. He convinced the President that Connally could never be confirmed by Congress and suggested the compromise nomination of Gerald Ford as Vice President.

But of course, the ultimate winner of the Watergate roulette was Nelson Rockefeller. He is now only the proverbial heartbeat away from his lifelong ambition - to be President of these United States. (And just recently, two women have pointed pistols at jovial Jerry and his limousine was in an automobile accident. Understandably, Jerry doesn't look quite so merry anymore.)

When Bobo Sears Rockefeller was obtaining a divorce from the late Winthrop Rockefeller, s he exploded two bombshells at the trial. The first was that Winthrop had one of the largest and most valuable collections of pornography in the world. (The punch line is that the pictures were not of girls.)

Revelation number two from the bizarre divorce proceedings was the disclosure that the Brothers Rockefeller would get together from time to time - to brainstorm on ways they could make Nelson the President, without the benefit of an election. (They realized he could never get into the Oval Office via the ballot box.)

So Rockefeller became an appointed Vice President. And, he was named by a man who was not elected, who was appointed by a man who resigned because he was about to be impeached. We doubt if the Brothers Rockefeller could dream up anything quite this wild even after the fifth martini. Or could they?

Ford went through the motions of asking Republican Congressional leaders for their recommendations for the Vice Presidency. The choice had all the suspense of an election in Russia. Anybody who was surprised at the selection of Rockefeller must have arrived in town on top of a wagon full of turnips.,

Are we suggesting there was a deal made for Nixon to appoint Ford, get pardoned by the new President, and then have Ford select Nelson Rockefeller as Vice President? That is exactly what we are saying. Anyone who doubts such a deal was made probably thinks professional wrestling matches are for real. It may just be coincidental, but on December 7, 1973,the headline on the upper- right-hand part of page one of the New York Times was:


The upper-left-hand headline of the very same issue read:


While the nation focused on the Watergate hearings circus, the real show was going on inside a different tent. Columnist Paul Scott wrote at the time: "The drama packed Senate Watergate hearings are only the colorful sideshow to one of the boldest and slickest transfers in US history."And he continued with this revelation:

With everyone's attention focused on the cast of "small time" actors parading before the TV cameras recording the special Senate inquiry, only a few privileged insiders are alert to the really big show taking place at the other end of Pennsylvania Avenue.

As part of the plan to create a new world order [world government], the main show involves the carefully planned transfer of power from President Nixon to NewYork's Governor Rockefeller, now strategically positioning himself to become the President's heir apparent for 1976.

Whether Rockefeller with his family's vast economic wealth, social and political power will be able to pull off this carefully managed " powergrab - is one of the most chilling and exciting political stories unfolding in our times.-

Half of the Rockefeller coup d'etat has already been achieved. The question of the decade is: Where does Rocky go now? In 1968, after his third flop on the primary circuit, Rocky announced: " . . the old avidity is gone. Has the "old avidity " returned? Is a four-pound robin fat?

Does King Kong like bananas?

Obviously the Rockefellers did not go to all of the trouble in setting the Watergate wheels in motion without having something big in mind. Being a political prognosticator is an occupation only slightly less dangerous than riding tandem with Eve] Knievel. Gathering facts is one thing, projecting them with accuracy into the future is quite another. Circumstances change, and we don't think there is a single plan which has been carved in stone. The Rockefellers never put all of their financial or political eggs in one basket "Doubtless, the family is considering a whole fleet of alternatives.

Rocky now says that he will not run with Ford in '76. He did not say he wouldn't run without him. Our Washington sources tell us that it was Nelson's idea to announce that he would not be on a Ford ticket, and that Jerry unmerrily begged him not to make the announcement. The reason Nelson is getting off the S.S Jerry Ford, is that it is a sinking ship. Rocky's private poll! reportedly show that Ford could well lose early '76 primaries and thereby throw the nomination wide open.

At that point the Rockefeller bandwagon would begin rolling with the greatest media promotion campaign in history, the theme being that only Rocky can save us. Indeed, according to Washington's best informed columnist, Paul Scott, Rockefeller began setting up an independent campaign organization tw

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