| Israeli art students { May 7 2002 } Original Source Link: (May no longer be active) http://salon.com/news/feature/2002/05/07/students/index_np.htmlFwd: The Israeli "art student" mystery - Salon.com (fwd)
http://salon.com/news/feature/2002/05/07/students/index_np.html
The Israeli "art student" mystery For almost two years, hundreds of young Israelis falsely claiming to be art students haunted federal offices -- in particular, the DEA. No one knows why -- and no one seems to want to find out.
- - - - - - - - - - - - By Christopher Ketcham
>May 7, 2002 | In January 2001, the security branch of the U.S. Drug >Enforcement Agency began to receive a number of peculiar reports from DEA >field offices across the country. According to the reports, young Israelis >claiming to be art students and offering artwork for sale had been >attempting to penetrate DEA offices for over a year. The Israelis had also >attempted to penetrate the offices of other law enforcement and Department >of Defense agencies. Strangest of all, the "students" had visited the >homes of numerous DEA officers and other senior federal officials. > >As a pattern slowly emerged, the DEA appeared to have been targeted in >what it called an "organized intelligence gathering activity." But to what >end, and for whom, no one knew. > >Reports of the mysterious Israelis with an inexplicable interest in >peddling art to G-men came in from more than 40 U.S. cities and continued >throughout the first six months of 2001. Agents of the DEA, ATF, Air >Force, Secret Service, FBI, and U.S. Marshals Service documented some 130 >separate incidents of "art student" encounters. Some of the Israelis were >observed diagramming the inside of federal buildings. Some were found >carrying photographs they had taken of federal agents. One was discovered >with a computer printout in his luggage that referred to "DEA groups." > >In some cases, the Israelis visited locations not known to the public -- >areas without street addresses, for example, or DEA offices not identified >as such -- leading authorities to suspect that information had been >gathered from prior surveillance or perhaps electronically, from credit >cards and other sources. One Israeli was discovered holding banking >receipts for substantial sums of money, close to $180,000 in withdrawals >and deposits over a two-month period. A number of the Israelis resided for >a period of time in Hollywood, Fla. -- the small city where Mohammed Atta >and three terrorist comrades lived for a time before Sept. 11. > >In March 2001, the Office of the National Counterintelligence Executive >(NCIX), a branch of the CIA, issued a heads-up to federal employees about >"suspicious visitors to federal facilities." The warning noted that >"employees have observed both males and females attempting to bypass >facility security and enter federal buildings." Federal agents, the >warning stated, had "arrested two of these individuals for trespassing and >discovered that the suspects possessed counterfeit work visas and green cards." > >In the wake of the NCIX bulletin, federal officials raised several other >red flags, including an Air Force alert, a Federal Protective Services >alert, an Office of National Drug Control Policy security alert and a >request that the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) investigate >a specific case. Officials began dealing more aggressively with the "art >students." According to one account, some 140 Israeli nationals were >detained or arrested between March 2001 and Sept. 11, 2001. Many of them >were deported. According to the INS, the deportations resulted from >violations of student visas that forbade the Israelis from working in the >United States. (In fact, Salon has established that none of the Israelis >were enrolled in the art school most of them claimed to be attending; the >other college they claimed to be enrolled in does not exist.) After the >Sept. 11 attacks, many more young Israelis -- 60, according to one AP >dispatch and other reports -- were detained and deported. > >The "art students" followed a predictable modus operandi. They generally >worked in teams, typically consisting of a driver, who was the team >leader, and three or four subordinates. The driver would drop the >"salespeople" off at a given location and return to pick them up some >hours later. The "salespeople" entered offices or approached agents in >their offices or homes. Sometimes they pitched their artwork -- >landscapes, abstract works, homemade pins and other items they carried >about in portfolios. At other times, they simply attempted to engage >agents in conversation. If asked about their studies, they generally said >they were from the Bezalel Academy of Arts and Design in Jerusalem or the >University of Jerusalem (which does not exist). They were described as >"aggressive" in their sales pitch and "evasive" when questioned by wary >agents. The females among them were invariably described as "very >attractive" -- "blondes in tight shorts or jeans, real lookers," as one >DEA agent put it to Salon. "They were flirty, flipping the hair, looking >at you, smiling. 'Hey, how are you? Let me show you this.' Everything a >woman would do if she wanted to get something out of you." Some agents >noted that the "students" made repeated attempts to avoid facility >security personnel by trying to enter federal buildings through back doors >and side entrances. On several occasions, suspicious agents who had been >visited at home observed the Israelis after the "students" departed and >noted that they did not approach any of the neighbors. > >The document detailing most of this information was an internal DEA memo: >a 60-page report drawn up in June 2001 by the DEA's Office of Security >Programs. The document was meant only for the eyes of senior officials at >the Justice Department (of which the DEA is adjunct), but it was leaked to >the press as early as December 2001 and by mid-March had been made widely >available to the public. > >On the face of it, this was a blockbuster tale, albeit a bizarre and >cryptic one, full of indeterminate leads and fascinating implications and >ambiguous answers: "Like a good Clancy novel," as one observer put it. Was >it espionage? Drug dealing? An intelligence game? The world’s wackiest >door-to-door hustle? Yet the mainstream media has almost entirely ignored >the allegations or accepted official "explanations" that explain nothing. >Even before the DEA memo was leaked, however, some reporters had begun >sniffing around the remarkable story. > >On Oct. 1 of last year, Texas newswoman Anna Werner, of KHOU-TV in >Houston, told viewers about a "curious pattern of behavior" by people with >"Middle Eastern looks" claiming to be Israeli art students. "Government >guards have found those so-called students," reported Werner, "trying to >get into [secure federal facilities in Houston] in ways they're not >supposed to -- through back doors and parking garages." Federal agents, >she said, were extremely "concerned." The "students" had showed up at the >DEA's Houston headquarters, at the Leland Federal Building in Houston, and >even the federal prosecutor's office; they had also appeared to be >monitoring the buildings. Guards at the Earle Cabell Federal Building in >Dallas found one "student" wandering the halls with a floor plan of the >site. Sources told Werner that similar incidents had occurred at sites in >New York, Florida, and six other states, "and even more worrisome, at 36 >sensitive Department of Defense sites." > >"One defense site you can explain," a former Defense Department analyst >told Werner. "Thirty-six? That's a pattern." Ominously, the analyst >concluded that such activity suggested a terrorist organization "scouting >out potential targets and ... looking for targets that would be vulnerable." > >Post-9/11, this should have been the opening thrust in an orgy of >coverage, and the scoop of a lifetime for Werner: Here she’d gotten a >glimpse into a possible espionage ring of massive proportions, possibly of >terrorists scouting new targets for jihad -- and those terrorists were >possibly posing as Israelis. KHOU’s conclusions were wrong -- these >weren’t Arab terrorists -- but at the time no one knew better. And yet the >story died on the vine. No one followed up. > >Just about the same time that KHOU was stabbing in the dark, reporter Carl >Cameron of the Fox News Channel was beginning an investigation into the >mystery of the art students that would ultimately light the way into >altogether different terrain. In a four-part series on Fox’s "Special >Report With Brit Hume" that aired in mid-December, Cameron reported that >federal agents were investigating the "art student" phenomenon as a >possible arm of Israeli espionage operations tracking al-Qaida operatives >in the United States. Yes, you read that right: a spy ring that may have >been trailing al-Qaida members in the weeks and months before Sept. 11 -- >a spy ring that according to Cameron’s sources may have known about the >preparations for the Sept. 11 attacks but failed to share this knowledge >with U.S. intelligence. One investigator told Cameron that "evidence >linking these Israelis to 9/11 is classified. I cannot tell you about >evidence that has been gathered. It's classified information." > >According to Cameron, some 60 Israeli nationals had been detained in the >anti-terrorism/immigrant sweeps in the weeks after Sept. 11, and at least >140 Israelis identified as "art students" had been detained or arrested in >the prior months. Most of the 60 detained after Sept. 11 had been >deported, Cameron said. "Some of the detainees," reported Cameron, "failed >polygraph questions when asked about alleged surveillance activities >against and in the United States." Some of them were on active military >duty. (Military service is compulsory for all young Israelis.) Cameron was >careful to note that there was "no indication that the Israelis were >involved in the 9/11 attacks" and that while his reporting had dug up >"explosive information," none of it was necessarily conclusive. Cameron >was simply airing the wide-ranging speculations in an ongoing investigation. > >Incendiary as it was, that story died on the vine, too, and the >scuttlebutt in major newsrooms was that Cameron’s sources -- all anonymous >-- were promulgating a fantasy. Reporters at the New York Times and the >Washington Post hit up their go-to people inside Justice and FBI and CIA, >but no one could seem to confirm the story, and indeed numerous officials >laughed it off. Fox got it wrong, the newspapers of record concluded. And >nothing more was heard on the topic in mainstream quarters. > >But inside the DEA, the Fox piece reverberated. An internal DEA communiqué >obtained by Salon indicates that the DEA made careful note of Cameron’s >reports; the communiqué even mentions Fox News by name. Dated Dec. 18, >four days after the final installment in the Fox series, the document >warns of security breaches in DEA telecommunications by unauthorized >"foreign nationals" -- and cites an Israeli-owned firm with which the DEA >contracted for wiretap equipment -- breaches that could have accounted for >the access that the "art students" apparently had to the home addresses of >agents. > >It wasn’t until nearly three months after the Fox reports that the "art >student" enigma resurfaced in newsrooms, this time in Europe. On Feb. 28, >the respected Paris-based espionage newsletter Intelligence Online >reported in detail on what turned out to have been one of Cameron's key >source documents: the 60-page DEA memo. The memo itself, which Salon >obtained in mid-March, went no further than to speculate in the most >general terms that the "nature of the individuals’ conduct" suggested some >sort of "organized intelligence gathering activity." The memo also pointed >out that there was some evidence connecting the art students to a drug >ring. "DEA Orlando has developed the first drug nexus to this group," the >memo read. "Telephone numbers obtained from an Israeli Art Student >encountered at the Orlando D.O. [District Office] have been linked to >several ongoing DEA MDMA (Ecstasy) investigations in Florida, California, >Texas and New York." > >However, Intelligence Online and then France's newspaper of record, Le >Monde, came to a much more definite -- and explosive -- conclusion. This >was the jackpot, they concluded, a proven spy ring run by the Mossad or >the Israeli government. Thus you had Intelligence Online leading its Feb. >28 piece with the statement that "a huge Israeli spy ring operating in the >United States was rolled up," and you had Le Monde trumpeting on March 5 >that a "vast Israeli spy network" had been dismantled in the "largest case >of Israeli spying" since 1985, when mole Jonathan Pollard was busted >selling Pentagon secrets to the Mossad. Reuters that same day went with >the headline "U.S. Busts Big Israeli Spy Ring," sourcing Le Monde’s story. > >The two French journals came to conclusions that the memo itself clearly >did not. And yet they had unearthed some intriguing material. Six of the >"students" were apparently carrying cell phones purchased by a former >Israeli vice consul to the United States. According to Le Monde, two of >the "students" had traveled from Hamburg to Miami to visit an FBI agent in >his home, then boarded a flight to Chicago and visited the home of a >Justice Dept. agent, then hopped a direct flight to Toronto -- all in one >day. According to Intelligence Online, more than one-third of the >students, who were spread out in 42 cities, lived in Florida, several in >Hollywood and Fort Lauderdale, Fla. -- one-time home to at least 10 of the >19 Sept. 11 hijackers. In at least one case, the students lived just a >stone's throw from homes and apartments where the Sept. 11 terrorists >resided: In Hollywood, several students lived at 4220 Sheridan St., just >down the block from the 3389 Sheridan St. apartment where terrorist >mastermind Mohammed Atta holed up with three other Sept. 11 plotters. Many >of the students, the DEA report noted, had backgrounds in Israeli military >intelligence and/or electronics surveillance; one was the son of a >two-star Israeli general, and another had served as a bodyguard to the >head of the Israeli army. > >The DEA report on which the French journals based their investigations >contained a wealth of remarkable tales. To take just a few samples: > > > >On March 1, 2001, a DEA special agent in the Tampa division offices >"responded to a knock at one of the fifth floor offices. At the door was a >young female who immediately identified herself as an Israeli art student >who had beautiful art to sell. She was carrying a crudely made portfolio >of unframed pictures." Aware of the "art student" alert, the agent invited >the girl to an interview room, where he was joined by a colleague to >listen to the girl's presentation. "She had approximately 15 paintings of >different styles, some copies of famous works, and others similar in style >to famous artists. When asked her name, she identified herself as Bella >Pollcson, and pointed out one of the paintings was signed by that name." >Then things got interesting: In the middle of her presentation, she >changed her story and claimed that the paintings were not for sale, but >"that she was there to promote an art show in Sarasota, Fla., and asked >for the agents' business cards so that information regarding the show >could be mailed to them." Well, where's the show? asked the agents. When's >it going up? Pollcson couldn't say: didn't know when or where -- or even >who was running it. Later it was determined that she had lied about her >name as well. > > >On Oct. 20, 2000, in the Houston offices of the DEA, a "male Israeli art >student was observed by the Security Officers [entering] an elevator from >a secure area. [The officers] were able to apprehend the art student >before he could enter a secure area on the second floor." Three months >later, in January 2001, a "male Israeli" was apprehended attempting to >enter the same building from a back door in a "secured parking lot area." >He claimed "he wanted to gain access to the building to sell artwork." > > >On April 30, 2001, an Air Force alert was issued from Tinker Air Force >Base in Oklahoma City concerning "possible intelligence collection being >conducted by Israeli Art Students." Tinker AFB houses AWACS surveillance >craft and Stealth bombers. The report does not elaborate on what kind of >intelligence was being sought. > > >On May 19, 2001, two Israeli nationals "requested permission to visit a >museum" at Volk Field Air National Guard Base in Camp Douglas, Wis. >"Approximately ten minutes after being allowed on the base, the two were >seen on an active runway, taking photographs." The men, charged with >misdemeanor trespass, were identified as 26-year-old Gal Kantor and >22-year-old Tsvi Watermann, and were released after paying a $210 fine. >According to the Air Force security officer on duty, "Both were asked if >they were involved in the selling of art while in the U.S. Kantor became >very upset over this, and questioned why they were being asked about that >... Kantor's whole demeanor changed, and he then became uncooperative." > >So it went week after week, month after month, for more than a year and a >half. In addition to the locations mentioned above, there were "art >student" encounters in Atlanta, Chicago, Denver, Detroit, El Paso, Los >Angeles, Miami, Orlando, New Orleans, Phoenix, San Diego, Little Rock, >Seattle, Washington, D.C., Arlington, Texas, Albuquerque, and dozens of >other small cities and towns. > >"Their stories," the DEA report states, "were remarkable only in their >consistency. At first, they will state that they are art students, either >from the University of Jerusalem or the Bezalel Academy of Arts in >Jerusalem. Other times they will purport to be promoting a new art studio >in the area. When pressed for details as to the location of the art studio >or why they are selling the paintings, they become evasive." > >Indeed, they had reason to be nervous, because they were lying. Salon >contacted Bezalel Academy's Varda Harel, head of the Academic Students' >Administration, with a list of every "student" named in the DEA report, >including their dates of birth, passport numbers, and in some cases >military registration numbers. Not a single name was identified in the >Bezalel database, either as a current student or as a graduate of the past >10 years (nor had any of the "students" tried to apply to Bezalel in the >last ten years). As for the University of Jerusalem, there is no such >entity. There is the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, but Heidi Gleit, the >school's foreign press liaison, told me that Israelis commonly refer to >the school as Hebrew University, not the University of Jerusalem. (Hebrew >University, she said, does not release student records to the public.) > >Still, the U.S. press was uninterested. Just one day after the Le Monde >report, the Washington Post ran a story on March 6 that seemed to put the >whole thing to rest. Headlined "Reports of Israeli Spy Ring Dismissed," >the piece, by John Mintz and Dan Eggen, opened with official denials from >a "wide array of U.S. officials" and quoted Justice Department spokeswoman >Susan Dryden as saying, "This seems to be an urban myth that has been >circulating for months. The department has no information at this time to >substantiate these widespread reports about Israeli art students involved >in espionage." > >The Post quoted anonymous officials who said they thought the allegations >had been "circulated by a single employee of the Drug Enforcement >Administration who is angry that his theories have not gained currency ... >[T]wo law enforcement officials said the disgruntled DEA agent, who >disagreed with the conclusion of FBI and CIA intelligence experts that no >spying was taking place, appears to be leaking a memo that he himself wrote." > >An INS spokesman acknowledged to the Post that several dozen Israelis had >been deported, but said it was the result of "routine visa violations." At >the same time, DEA spokesman Thomas Hinojosa told the Post that "multiple >reports of suspicious activity on the part of young Israelis had come into >the agency's Washington headquarters from agents in the field. The reports >were summarized in a draft memo last year, but Hinojosa said he did not >have a copy and could not vouch for the accuracy of media reports >describing its contents." > >The Post's apparent debunking was far from convincing, even to the casual >reader. Of course there was no proof that the art students were part of a >spy ring: Intelligence Online and Le Monde had jumped the gun. However, >the real possibility that they were part of a spy ring could not be >dismissed -- any more than could any other theory one might advance to >explain their unusual behavior. With that in mind, Justice spokeswoman >Dryden's assertion that reports of an Israeli spy ring were an "urban >myth" was an oddly overplayed denial. A response that fit the facts would >have been something like "There have been numerous reports of suspicious >behavior by Israelis claiming to be art students. We are looking into the >allegations." Instead, Dryden appeared to be trying to forestall any >discussion of just what the facts of the case were. Given the political >sensitivities and the potentially embarrassing nature of the case, that >was not surprising, > >If the whole thing was an "urban myth," like the sewer reptiles of >Manhattan, and if it all led back to one deskbound nut job in the DEA, >then what were those "reports of suspicious activity" that had come in >from agents in the field? Hinojosa's statement about the DEA memo was >suspiciously evasive: If the "media reports describing its content" (that >is, the articles in Le Monde and Intelligence Online) were in fact based >on the DEA memo whose existence Hinojosa acknowledged, then the "lone nut" >explanation offered by anonymous U.S. officials was at best irrelevant and >at worst a rather obvious piece of disinformation, an attempt to shove the >story under the rug. (In fact, the French articles were based on the >actual DEA memo -- a fact any news organization could have quickly >verified, since the leaked DEA document had been floating around on >various Web venues, such as Cryptome.org, as early as March 21). > >To someone not familiar with the 60-page DEA memo, or to reporters who >didn't bother to obtain it, the fact that a disgruntled employee leaked a >memo he wrote himself might seem like decisive proof that the whole "art >student" tale was a canard. In reality, the nature of the memo makes its >authorship irrelevant. The memo is a compilation of field reports by >dozens of named agents and officials from DEA offices across America. It >contains the names, passport numbers, addresses, and in some cases the >military ID numbers of the Israelis who were questioned by federal >authorities. Pointing a finger at the author is like blaming a bank >robbery on the desk sergeant who took down the names of the robbers. > >Of course, the agent (or agents) who wrote the memo could also have >fabricated or embellished the field reports. That does not seem to have >been the case. Salon contacted more than a half-dozen agents identified in >the memo. One agent said she had been visited six times at her home by >"art students." None of the agents wished to be named, and very few were >willing to speak at length, but all confirmed the veracity of the information. > >Despite such obvious holes in the official story, neither the Post nor any >other mainstream media organization ran follow-up articles. The New York >Times has not yet deemed it worth covering -- in fact, the paper of record >has not written about the art student mystery even once, not even to >pooh-pooh it. One or two minor media players did some braying -- Israel >had been caught spying, etc. and the bonko conspiracy fringe had a field >day, but the rest of the media, taking a cue from the big boys, decided it >was a nonstarter: the Post's "debunking" and the Times' silence had >effectively killed the story. > >So complete was the silence that by mid-March, Jane's Information Group, >the respected British intelligence and military analysis service, noted: >"It is rather strange that the U.S. media seems to be ignoring what may >well be the most explosive story since the 11 September attacks -- the >alleged break-up of a major Israeli espionage operation in the USA." > >The only major American media outlet aside from Fox to seriously present >the "art student" allegations was Insight on the News, the investigative >magazine published weekly by the conservative Washington Times. In a March >11 article, Insight quoted a senior Justice Department official as saying, >"We think there is something quite sinister here but are unable at this >time to put our finger on it" -- essentially echoing what the DEA report >concluded. > >Managing editor Paul M. Rodriguez, who wrote the Insight story and had >quietly tracked the art student phenomenon for weeks before Intelligence >Online scooped him, took an agnostic stance toward the mystery. "There is >zero information at this time to suggest that these students were being >run by the Mossad," he told me. "Nothing we've come across would suggest >this. We have seen nothing that says this is a spy ring run by the Israeli >government directly or with a wink and a nod or some other form of sub >rosa control. Based on what we've been told, seen and obtained I just >don't see the so-called spy ring as a certain fact. Does that make it not >so? I don't know." > >Rodriguez added, "I think the investigators' take is this: What were these >'students' doing going around accessing buildings without authorization, >tracking undercover cops to their homes -- if not for some sort of intel >mission? It's sort of a mind-fuck scenario, if one were to believe this >was a conspiracy by a foreign intel source and/or a bunch of nutty 'kids' >fucking around just to see how far they could push the envelope -- which >they seem to have pushed pretty damn far, given the page after page after >page of intrusions and snooping alleged." > >The Israeli embassy denies the charges of a spy ring. "We are saying what >we've been saying for months," spokesman Mark Reguev told Salon, referring >to the Fox series in December. "No American official or intelligence >agency has complained to us about this. The story is nonsense. Israel does >not spy on the United States." > >Whether or not the "art students" are Israeli spies, Reguev's blanket >disavowal is untrue: Israel does spy on the United States. This should >come as no surprise: Allies frequently spy on each other, and Israeli >intelligence is renowned as among the best and most aggressive in the >world. Israel has been at war off and on since its birth as a nation in >1948 and is hungry for information it deems essential to its survival. And >America's relationship to Israel and support for it is essential to the >survival of the Jewish state. Add these things up, and espionage against >the United States becomes understandable, if not justifiable. > >The U.S. government officially denies this, of course, but it knows that >such spying goes on. In 1996, the U.S. General Accounting Office issued a >report indicating that "Country A," later identified as Israel, "conducts >the most aggressive espionage operation against the United States of any >U.S. ally." A year earlier, the Defense Investigative Service circulated a >memo warning U.S. military contractors that "Israel aggressively collects >[U.S.] military and industrial technology" and "possesses the resources >and technical capability to successfully achieve its collection >objectives." The memo explained that "the Israelis are motivated by strong >survival instincts which dictate every facet of their political and >economic policies." > >In the history of Israeli espionage in and against the United States, the >case of Jonathan Pollard was certainly the most heinous. Pollard, a >civilian U.S. naval intelligence analyst, provided Israeli intelligence >with an estimated 800,000 pages of classified U.S. intelligence >information. The Israelis in turn passed the information to the Soviets, >compromising American agents in the field -- several of whom were >allegedly captured and killed as a result. Israel at first denied, and >then admitted, Pollard's connections to the Mossad after he was arrested >in 1985 and imprisoned for life. The case severely strained >American-Israeli relations, and continues to rankle many American Jews, >who believe that since Pollard was spying for Israel, his sentence was >unduly harsh. (Other American Jews feel equally strongly that Pollard and >the Israelis betrayed them.) > >Any attempt to understand the official U.S. response to the Israeli art >student mystery -- and to some degree, the media response -- must take >into account both the smoke screen that states blow over incidents that >could jeopardize their strategic alliances, and America's unique and >complex relationship with Israel. The Jewish state is a close if >problematic ally with whom the United States enjoys a "special >relationship" unlike that maintained with any other nation in the world. >But U.S. and Israeli interests do not always coincide, and spying has >always been deemed to cross a line, to represent a fundamental violation >of trust. According to intelligence sources, the United States might >perhaps secretly tolerate some Israeli spying on U.S. soil if the >government decided that it was in our interest (although it could never be >acknowledged), but certain types of spying will simply not be accepted by >the United States, whether the spying is carried out by Israel or anyone else. > >If England or France spied on the United States, American officials would >likely conceal it. In the case of Israel, there are far stronger reasons >to hide any unseemly cracks in the special relationship. The powerful >pro-Israel political constituencies in Congress; pro-Israel lobbies; the >Bush administration's strong support for Israel, and its strategic and >political interest in maintaining close ties with the Jewish state as a >partner in the "war against terror"; the devastating consequences for >U.S.-Israeli relations if it was suspected that Israeli agents might have >known about the Sept. 11 attack -- all these factors explain why the U.S. >government might publicly downplay the art student story and conceal any >investigation that produces unpalatable results. > >The pro-Israel lobby is a vast and powerful force in American politics; >the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, or AIPAC, is the No. 1 >foreign-policy lobby and the fourth most powerful lobby in Washington, >according to Fortune Magazine. Michael Lind, a senior fellow of the New >America Foundation and a former executive editor of the National Interest, >calls the Israel lobby "an ethnic donor machine" that "distorts U.S. >foreign policy" in the Middle East. Among foreign service officers, law >enforcement and the military, there is an impression, says Lind, that you >can't mess with Israel without suffering direct and indirect smears, such >as being labeled an Arabist. Lind, who himself has been virulently >attacked as an anti-Semite for his forthrightness on the subject, >acknowledges that the Israel lobby is no different from any other -- just >more effective. "This is what all lobbies do," Lind observes. "If you >criticize the AARP, you hate old people and you want them to starve to >death. The Israel lobby is just one part of the lobby problem." > >Considering the volatility of the issue, it is not surprising that almost >no one in officialdom wants to go on the record for a story like the art >students. "In government circles," as Insight's Rodriguez put it, >"anything that has to do with Israel is always a hot topic, a third rail >-- deadly. No one wants to touch it." Fox News' Cameron quoted >intelligence officers saying that to publicly air suspicions of Israeli >wrongdoing was tantamount to "career suicide." And the Israeli-Palestinian >conflict, in one of its bloodiest and most polarizing phases, has only >exacerbated sensitivities. > >Some of the same pressures that keep government officials from criticizing >Israel may also explain why the media has failed to pursue the art student >enigma. Media outlets that run stories even mildly critical of Israel >often find themselves targeted by organized campaigns, including >form-letter e-mails, the cancellation of subscriptions, and denunciations >of the organization and its reporters and editors as anti-Semites. >Cameron, for example, was excoriated by various pro-Israel lobbying groups >for his exposé. Representatives of the Jewish Institute for National >Security Affairs (JINSA), the Anti-Defamation League (ADL), and the >Committee for Accuracy in Middle East Reporting in America (CAMERA) argued >that the Fox report cited only unnamed sources, provided no direct >evidence, and moreover had been publicly denied by spokesmen for the FBI >and others (the last, of course, is not really an argument). > >In a December interview with Salon, CAMERA's associate director, Alex >Safian, said that several "Jewish/Israeli groups" were having >"conversations" with representatives of Fox News regarding Cameron's >piece. Safian said he questioned Cameron's motives in running the story. >"I think Fox has always been fair to Israel in its reporting," said >Safian. "I think it's just Cameron who has something, personally, about >Israel. He was brought up in the Middle East. Maybe that has something to >do with it. Maybe he's very sympathetic to the Arab side. One could ask." >The implicit suggestion was that Cameron is a bigot; in conversation, >Safian would later make the same allegation about the entire editorial >helm at Le Monde, which he called an anti-Semitic newspaper. > >Told of Safian's comments, Cameron said, "I'm speechless. I spent several >years in Iran growing up because my father was an archaeologist there. >That makes me anti-Israel?" The chief Washington correspondent for Fox >News, Cameron had never before been attacked for biased coverage of Israel >or Israeli-related affairs -- or for biased coverage of Arabs, for that >matter. Cameron defends his December reporting, saying he had never >received any heat whatsoever from his superiors, nor had he ever been >contacted by any dissenting voices in government. > >Oddly, four days after the Cameron investigation ran, all traces of his >report -- transcripts, Web links, headlines -- disappeared from the >Foxnews.com archives. (Normally, Fox leaves a story up for two to three >weeks before consigning it to the pay archive.) When Le Monde contacted >Fox in March for a copy of the original tapes, Fox News spokesmen said the >request posed a problem but would not elaborate. (Fox News now says Le >Monde never called.) Asked why the Cameron piece disappeared, spokesman >Robert Zimmerman said it was "up there on our Web site for about two or >three weeks and then it was taken down because we had to replace it with >more breaking news. As you know, in a Web site you've got x amount of >bandwidth -- you know, x amount of stuff you can put stuff up on [sic]. So >it was replaced. Normal course of business, my friend." (In fact, a >text-based story on a Web site takes up a negligible amount of bandwidth.) > >When informed that Cameron's story was gone from the archives, not simply >from the headline pages (when you entered the old URL, a Fox screen >appeared with the message "This story no longer exists"), Zimmerman >replied, "I don't know where it is." > >The extreme sensitivity of the Israeli art student story in government >circles was made clear to this reporter when, in the midst of my inquiries >at DEA and elsewhere, I was told by a source that some unknown party had >checked my records and background. He proved it by mentioning a job I had >briefly held many years ago that virtually no one outside my family knew >about. Shortly after this, I received a call from an individual who >identified himself only by the code name Stability. Stability said he was >referred to me from "someone in Washington." That someone turned out to be >a veteran D.C. correspondent who has close sources in the CIA and the FBI >and who verified that Stability was a high-level intelligence agent who >had been following the art student matter from the inside. > >Stability was guarded in his initial conversation with me. He said that >people in the intelligence committee were suspicious about my bona fides >and raised the possibility that someone was "using" me. "Your name is >known and has been known for quite a while," Stability said. "The problem >is that you're going into a hornet's nest with this. It's a very difficult >time in this particular area. This is a scenario where a lot of people are >living a bunker mentality." He added, "There are a lot of people under a >lot of pressure right now because there's a great effort to discredit the >story, discredit the connections, prevent people from going any further >[in investigating the matter]. There are some very, very smart people who >have taken a lot of heat on this -- have gone to what I would consider >extraordinary risks to reach out. Quite frankly, there are a lot of >patriots out there who'd like to remain alive. Typically, patriots are dead." > >In a subsequent conversation, Stability said that the DEA's Office of >Professional Responsibility is currently undertaking an aggressive >investigation targeting agents suspected of leaking the June 2001 memo. >The OPR inquiry was initiated as a result of Intelligence Online's exposé >of the DEA document in late February. According to Stability, at least 14 >agents -- including some in agencies other than DEA -- are now under >intense scrutiny and interrogation. Half a dozen agents have been >polygraphed several times over, computers have been seized, desks have >been searched. > >A DEA spokesman would neither confirm nor deny the allegation. "Anything >that has to do with internal security, which would include OPR, is not >anything we're able to discuss," the spokesman said. > >As for the DEA document itself, Stability said that all information >gathering for it ceased around June 2001. He also noted that "there are >multiple variations of that document" floating around DEA and elsewhere. > >"It was a living, breathing document," Stability said, "that grew on a >week-by-week basis, that was being added to as people forwarded >information. To say this was a coordinated effort would be a stretch; it >was ad hoc. But that document [the DEA memo] didn't just happen. That >document was the result of literally dozens of people providing input, >working together. These events were going on, people were looking at them, >but could not understand them. > >"It wasn't until the end of 2000 and the beginning of 2001 that field >agents ran across a series of visits that occurred within a very close >period of time," Stability said. Agents from across the country began >talking to each other, comparing notes. "There was an embryonic >understanding that there was something here, something was happening. >People kept running across it. And agents being who they are, gut feelings >being what they are, they would catch a thread. They'd start to pull a >thread, and next thing, they'd end up with the arm of the jacket and the >back was coming off, and then you'd end up with reports like you saw. The >information, in its scattered form, is one thing. The information >compiled, documented, timelined, indexed, is a horrific event for some of >these people. Because it is indisputable." > >"Agents started to realize that people were coming to their homes," he >continued. "If you are part of an organization like this, you tend to be >careful about your security. When something disturbs that sense of >security, it's unnerving. One thing that was understood fairly early on >was that the students would go to some areas that didn't have street >signs, and in fact they would already have directions to these areas. That >indicated that someone had been there prior to them or had electronically >figured where the agents were located -- using credit card records, things >of that nature. This sat in the back of people's minds as to the resources >necessary to do that." > >"I will tell you that there is still great debate over what [the art >students’] specific purposes were and are," Stability went on. "When you >take an individual who picks up a group of individuals from an airport, >individuals who supposedly have no idea what they're doing in-country, who >fly on over from a foreign land, whose airline tickets could in some >instances total a value greater than $15,000 -- and who get picked up at >the airport and drive specifically to one individual's home, which they >know the exact directions to: Yeah, you could say there's a problem here. >You don't need to be a rocket scientist to understand that. The >overarching item is that a lot of work went into going to people's houses >to sell them junk from China in plastic frames." > >But to what end? What was the value? What was to be gained? "Unknown, >unknown," Stability said. "You could be anywhere from D.C. to daylight on >that one. Even on our side, you have to take all the stuff and draw it all >out and clean out all the chaff. I will tell you that from those who are >working ground zero [of this case], it is a difficult puzzle to put >together, and it is not complete by any means." Even the spooks are >baffled; they have no answers. > >So let’s draw out the chaff ourselves and see if we can at least >speculate. In intel circles, there are a number of working theories, >according to Stability. "Profiling of federal agents is one," said >Stability. "Keeping tabs on other people, other foreign nationals, is >another. A third is that they were working for organized crime -- that's >an easy one, and it almost sounds more like a cover than a reality. The >predominant thought is that it was a profiling endeavour, and from a >profiling aspect, also one of intimidation." > >You mean this whole vast scheme was a mind fuck, to use Paul Rodriguez’s >elegant phrasing? A psy-ops endeavor to spook the spooks? Perhaps. As >Stability put it, "Almost nothing is wrong in this particular instance, >Mr. Ketcham. In this particular situation, right is wrong, left is right, >up is down, day is night." > >Yet for the most part the targeted agents weren’t spooks in the strictest >sense: They were DEA -- cops who bust drug dealers. And that leads us into >Theory No. 1, also known as the Art Student/Drug Dealer Conspiracy. This >theory has a piece of evidence to support it: the link, mentioned in the >leaked DEA memo, between an Ecstasy investigation and the telephone >numbers provided by an Israeli detained in Orlando. There are "problems" >with Israeli nationals involved in the Ecstasy business, according to >Israeli Embassy spokesman Reguev. "Israeli authorities and the DEA are >working together on that issue," he said. In a statement before Congress >in 2000, officials with the U.S. Customs Service, which intercepted some 7 >million Ecstasy tablets last year, noted that "Israeli organized-crime >elements appear to be in control" of the multibillion-dollar U.S. Ecstasy >trade, "from production through the international smuggling phase. >Couriers associated with Israeli organized crime have been arrested around >the world, including ... locations in the U.S. such as Florida, New >Jersey, New York and California." > >Miami was cited as one of the main entry points of Ecstasy into the United >States and was specified as one of the central "headquarters for the >criminal organizations that smuggle Ecstasy"; Houston was also cited for >large Ecstasy seizures -- an interesting nexus, given the large number of >"art students" who congregated both in the Miami and Ft. Lauderdale area >and in Houston. "Israeli nationals in the Ecstasy trade have been very >sophisticated in their operations," says a U.S. Customs officer who has >investigated the groups. "Some of these individuals have been skilled at >counterintelligence and in concealing their communications and movements >from law enforcement." > >It would thus seem that Israeli organized crime has at least the capacity >to pull off a widespread surveillance and intelligence operation. The drug >connection would also explain the sizable reserves of cash one Tampa >student was handling. > >One DEA agent named in the "art student" report told Salon that the best >possible explanation for the affair - and he admitted to being utterly >baffled by it -- was that drug dealers were involved. > >"Why us if not because of the DEA's mission?" the agent asked. "I mean, >what would Israeli intel want with us? Here's another avenue of inquiry to >take: Israeli organized crime is the now the biggest dealer of Ecstasy in >the United States. These students? It was Israeli organized crime judging >our strength, getting a survey of our operations. What if I wanted to >burglarize your building and go through your files? I'd do a reconnoiter. >Get a sense of the floor plan and security, where the guards are >stationed, how many doors, what kind of locks, alarm systems, backup alarm >systems." > >The trouble with this theory is the obvious one: In the annals of crime >chutzpah, for drug dealers to brazenly approach drug agents in their homes >and offices may represent the all-time world record. And what conceivable >useful intelligence could they gather that would be worth the risk? Were >the tee-heeing tight-sweatered Israeli babes pulling some kind of Mata >Hari stunt, seducing paunchy middle-aged DEA boys and beguiling them into >loose-lipped info sharing? > >Theory No. 2 is that they were all engaged in espionage. This scenario has >the virtue of simplicity -- if it smells like a spy, walks like a spy, and >talks like a spy, it probably is a spy -- but doesn't make much sense, >either. Why would the Mossad -- or any spy outfit with a lick of good >sense -- use kids without papers as spies? And, just as our incredulous >DEA agent noted, what intelligence useful to Israel could be gathered from >DEA offices, anyway? > >I suggested to Stability that the operation, if it was that, was purposely >conspicuous -- almost oafish. "Yes, it was," he replied. "It was a noisy >operation. Did you ever see 'Victor/Victoria'? It was about a woman >playing a man playing a woman. Perhaps you should think about this from >that aspect and ask yourself if you wanted to have something that was in >your face, that didn't make sense, that couldn't possibly be them." He >added, "Think of it this way: How could the experts think this could >actually be something of any value? Wouldn't they dismiss what they were >seeing?" > >That’s where you enter truly dark territory: Theory No. 3, the Art Student >as Agent as Art Student Smoke Screen. It has major problems, but let’s >roll with it for a moment. This theory contends that the art student ring >was a smoke screen intended to create confusion and allow actual spies -- >who were also posing as art students -- to be lumped together with the >rest and escape detection. In other words, the operation is an elaborate >double fake-out, a hiding-in-plain-sight scam. Whoever dreamed it up >thought ahead to the endgame and knew that the DEA-stakeout aspect was so >bizarre that it would throw off American intelligence. According to this >theory -- Stability's "Victor/Victoria" scenario -- Israeli agents wanted, >let's say, to monitor al-Qaida members in Florida and other states. But >they feared detection. So to provide cover, and also to create a >dizzyingly Byzantine story that would confuse the situation, Israeli intel >flooded areas of real operations with these bumbling "art students" -- who >were told to deliberately stake out DEA agents. > >Perhaps. Why not? Up is down, left is right. I nudged Stability on the >obvious implication of the "Victor/Victoria" scenario: If this was a ruse, >a decoy to conceal another operation, what was that other operation? >"Unknown," Stability said. > >Then of course there’s Theory No. 4: that they really were art students. >Either they were recruited in Israel as part of an art-selling racket or >they simply hit upon the idea themselves. This theory is basically the de >facto position held by the U.S. and Israeli governments, which insist that >the only wrong committed by the "students" was to sell art without the >proper papers. There are almost too many problems with this to list, but >it's worth mentioning a few: Why in the world would people try to sell >cheap art market to DEA officials? Why would they almost all use the same >bogus Bezalel Academy of Arts cover story? Why would anyone running such a >racket to make money use foreign nationals without green cards, knowing >that they would quickly be snagged for visa violations? And why did so >many of these itinerant peddlers, wandering the United States on their >strange mission of hawking cheap Chinese knockoff paintings, have "black >information" about federal facilities? > >There are other theories. One is that these were spies in training, newly >minted Mossad graduates on test runs to see how they would operate in >field conditions. I asked Stability how hotly the matter was now being >pursued in intel and law enforcement. "Depends on who you speak to," he >told me. "Some people say that it's a dead issue, a fantasy. Most of the >investigations are happening at an ad hoc level. There are people out >there that you couldn't sway off some of the cases, because that's how >dedicated they are." > >Apparently, at least some agents in FBI remain quite concerned about the >art student problem. According to several intelligence sources, including >Stability, on Dec. 3, 2001, six separate FBI field offices simultaneously >forwarded communiqués to FBI headquarters inquiring into the status of the >investigation. The FBI agents wanted to have a "clarification" as to what >was going on. > >The subject may not be officially dead yet. The art student matter may be >taken up by the congressional committees investigating intelligence >failures leading up to the Sept. 11 attacks, according to another source. > >What about the crucial Washington Post article, in which anonymous federal >agents alleged the DEA memo was the work of a disgruntled employee? > >"The Washington Post article was a plant -- that's obvious. The story was >killed," Stability told me. Who planted the story? Stability claimed the >FBI was behind it. "Every organization is running scared," Stability >added, "because they're afraid of the next shoe to drop. There are many >smoking guns out there, many. So consequently every one is at a level of >heightened anxiety, and when they're anxious they make mistakes." > >Yes, but what are they afraid of? What will the smoking guns prove? >Questions, questions, labyrinthine questions, and the more you ask in this >matter, the fewer get answered. When I called the CIA to inquire about the >agency's March 2001 alert -- an alert that evinced deep disquiet over the >affair -- an official who was aware of the inquiry told me, "I'll make a >recommendation to you: Don't write a story. This whole thing has been >blown way out of proportion. As far as we're concerned, we reported it, >yes, but subsequently it's nothing of interest to us. And we've just >closed the book on it. And I really recommend you do the same. Let it go. >There's nothing here." > >Not everyone else in law enforcement is so sure. "There's a lot of concern >among the agents," said the DEA source. "We're investigators. We're not >satisfied when we don't have answers. This is a mystery that has an answer >and it has to be resolved." > > >- - - - - - - - - - - - > >About the writer >Christopher Ketcham is a freelance writer in New York City. > >
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