| Probe israeli intelligence justify iraq war Original Source Link: (May no longer be active) http://www.haaretz.co.il/hasen/spages/368428.htmlhttp://www.haaretz.co.il/hasen/spages/368428.html
Last Update: 04/12/2003 19:45 Sarid calls for inquiry into intelligence ahead of Iraq war By Amnon Barzilai, Haaretz Correspondent , and Haaretz Service Meretz MK Yossi Sarid on Thursday called for the creation of a committee to probe the conduct of Israeli intelligence ahead of the U.S.-led war in Iraq. Sarid was responding to a report published in Haaretz on Thursday, which concluded that Israel was "a full partner" of the American and British conception regarding Iraq's non-conventional capabilities.
Sarid, who filed the request with head of the Knesset Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee, Likud MK Yuval Steinitz, said Thursday that the report proves that the assessments made by Israeli intelligence were exaggerated and caused damage to the country by necessitating that Israel prepare for "threats that did not exist."
According to the report from the Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies, the demands inside the U.S. and Britain for investigations into the intelligence failure on the eve of the war in Iraq "forgets there was a third senior partner to the assessment [that Saddam Hussein had weapons of mass destruction and the ability to deliver them] - and that third partner was Israel." The report was written by Brig. Gen. (res.) Shlomo Brum, a former deputy commander of the IDF Planning Branch.
"Israeli intelligence was a full partner to the picture presented by U.S. and British intelligence about Iraq's non-conventional capabilities ... [and] the failures in the war in Iraq point to inherent failures and weaknesses of Israeli intelligence and decision makers. Similar failures could take place in the future if the issue is not fully researched, and the proper conclusions reached," says Brum's report.
He writes that the exaggerated assessments about Iraq's capabilities damaged public trust in the national assessors and decision makers. The result was the public ignoring the instructions it was given and a financial cost still not fully calculated.
"Before the war the defense establishment did not spare any cost to deal with non-existent threats or threats with zero possibility of actualization," he writes.
There was also damage to Israel's foreign relations, he says. "Foreign intelligence agencies could lose their faith in the intelligence assessments Israel provides, and foreign countries could suspect that Israel is providing false information meant to convince that foreign country to accept Israel's political positions."
And the exaggerated pre-war assessments, he says, could result "in a potential enemy concluding that if Israel as so terrified by such a marginal threat, it must have good reasons to be so scared."
Before the war, Israeli intelligence had to choose between the possibility that Iraq had weapons of mass destruction and continued to develop them or the UN inspectors had indeed managed to disarm Iraq of those weapons and long-range missiles. "Israeli intelligence adopted the first choice without ever showing signs of any doubt."
He says that the reason was a "dogmatic concept. The intelligence agencies were taken over by a mono-dimensional view of Saddam that fundamentally described him as the embodiment of evil, a man in the grip of an obsession to develop weapons of mass destruction to harm Israel and others, without any other considerations ... there was absolute indifference to the complexity of considerations that a leader like Saddam Hussein must have." Brum writes there was reason to believe that survival was Saddam's main goal "and such an assessment should have led to the conclusion that after 1991 developing weapons of mass destruction could become threatening to his survival."
The lack of skepticism about the concept proves there are inherent problems in the intelligence assessment methodologies used before the war, Brum writes, pointing to two key problems: exaggerated intelligence concerns, the roots of which are in the Yom Kippur War, and a lack of professionalism.
As a result of the Yom Kippur War, Israeli intelligence officials prefer to predict the
worst possible scenario, so if they are proven right, they come out as heroes, and if they are proven wrong, everyone is so relieved that they forget the faulty assessment. The lack of professionalism, says Brum is in the act that Israel's national assessment was that it was threatened by Iraqi missiles, while its working assumption was that Iraq had very few long range missiles and launchers.
Intelligence failed to assess correcting the enemy's intentions, giving an exaggerated weight to the assumption Baghdad would either strike at Israel when faced with its own to destruction or try to disrupt the American plans by striking before the invasion. "Both theses were based on the dogmatic concept ... no effort was made to examine whether attacking Israel would serve the interests of Saddam's survival or not ... the concept painted all the information with one color and prevented any alternative interpretations of the intelligence."
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