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Isi sponsored jihad { March 15 2004 } Original Source Link: (May no longer be active)
http://www.indianexpress.com/full_story.php?content_id=42934http://www.indianexpress.com/full_story.php?content_id=42934
Monday, March 15, 2004
Good policies, good neighbours
Bhutan and Bangladesh relate to India in sharply differing ways
G. Parthasarathy
Economic indicators like Gross National Product (GNP), or Gross Domestic Product (GDP) are generally used to measure economic progress. But, in Bhutan, under the enlightened leadership of King Jigme Singye Wangchuk, progress is determined not by levels of GNP or GDP, but by an index of what is called as ‘Gross National Happiness’(GNH). The level of GNH is determined by the extent of modernisation and development that Bhutan achieves, while simultaneously retaining its cherished traditions and values.
It is this commitment to his country’s GNH that has enabled Bhutan to proceed with a process of decentralisation and democratisation. The monarchy in Nepal has traditionally resisted pressures for democratic change and adopted a policy of fanning anti-India sentiments to retain power. Bhutan’s monarch, in contrast, has shrewdly adopted a policy of deriving maximum benefit from India, by being sensitive to its security concerns, and using its growing demand for electrical power and a vast range of goods and services, for the prosperity of his people. Yet he has also conducted himself with such dignity that no Indian government can take Bhutan for granted.
It is largely as a result of this sagacity that the kingdom today has a life expectancy of over 66 years and the highest per capita income ($755) in the subcontinent. While India has contributed substantially to Bhutan’s development, it is that nation’s decision to exploit its vast hydroelectric potential and natural resources that has rapidly enhanced its prosperity. The 336 MW Chukha hydroelectric project, completed in 1988, enables Bhutan to earn around Rs 140 crore annually by selling electricity to India. When the 1020 MW Tala hydroelectric project becomes operational next year, Bhutan’s per capita income could well double. Besides this, negotiations are now under way for the development of the 1000 MW Punatsangchhu hydroelectric project that will raise prosperity in Bhutan to levels that will be the envy of the rest of South Asia.
While Bhutan has been correct in its relations with China, India owes the kingdom a debt of gratitude for the effective manner in which it has dealt with insurgent groups armed and trained in Bangladesh. For around 12 years 3,000 armed cadres of the United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA), the National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB) and the Kamtapur Liberation Organization (KLO) intruded into Southern Bhutan and launched terrorist attacks on Indian territory. The ULFA had 13 camps, the NDFB 12 camps and the KLO 5 camps in Bhutan. Bhutan rejected suggestions by New Delhi to let Indian armed forces enter the kingdom and flush out the terrorists. It, however, strengthened its own armed forces and sought to persuade the intruders to leave Bhutan. When every effort to get them to leave through negotiations failed, the newly established Royal Bhutan Army moved decisively to throw them out. In a brilliant military operation, 30 insurgent camps were destroyed, 181 insurgents killed, 416 apprehended and 463 surrendered. The remaining insurgents fled into India, where relentless pressure has continued. Even as the Bhutanese army was conducting its operations, Myanmar’s foreign minister, U Win Aung, made it clear that his country would not allow anti-Indian forces to seek shelter on its territory.
In contrast to this, Begum Khaleda Zia’s Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) has a long track record of joining hands with the ISI and fomenting insurgency and religious fundamentalism in India’s northeastern states. New Delhi has provided Dhaka with details of over 90 camps on Bangladesh territory where anti-Indian groups are being trained. Shortly after the BNP government assumed its present term in office, the Bangladesh Directorate General of Forces Intelligence took on the role of not merely supporting insurgent groups like ULFA, but also working hand in glove with the Jamaat-e-Islami Party — a member of the ruling coalition — to promote Islamic militancy in Assam and other border states. They even entertain fanciful ambitions to set up an Islamic State in these areas. The strength of the ISI in the Pakistan High Commission has been beefed up and the ISI is now given a free hand to operate in Bangladesh. General Musharraf will perhaps claim that there is nothing wrong in such ISI activity on Bangladesh territory, as he had merely promised India that he would not allow Pakistan’s territory to be used for terrorist activities!
The ouster of the Taliban in Afghanistan has led to a number of groups associated with Osama bin Laden’s International Islamic Front seeking refuge in Bangladesh. The fundamentalist Harkat ul Jihad ul Islami that has been a part of the ISI-sponsored Jihad in Jammu and Kashmir now has a strong support base in Bangladesh. Groups funded by Osama bin Laden operate in Bangladesh under the umbrella of a Dhaka-based group, ‘Servants of Suffering Humanity International’. Supporters of the fundamentalist Jemaah Islamiyah outfit involved in terrorist violence in Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore have now found haven in Bangladesh. Intelligence agencies here have also provided support to the Rohingya Muslims to set up a separate Islamic state in the Rakhine Province of Myanmar. These cadres have been reinforced by those who have returned from Afghanistan and Pakistan after the Taliban ouster.
Over 2,100 Indian security personnel and 4,500 militants have lost their lives since 1992 in ongoing insurgencies in our northeastern states. India has thus far shown remarkable patience in dealing with Bangladesh. But once a new government assumes office after the forthcoming elections, some hard decisions will have to be taken on how to deal with Bangladesh. We should now consider actively exposing Bangladesh involvement with terrorist outfits, both to its aid donors and its ASEAN neighbours. Bangladesh also perhaps feels that we are so keen to obtain supplies of natural gas from it that we will overlook its involvement with fundamentalist, terrorist and separatist outfits operating on our soil. In fact, given the vast potential of gas resources on our east coast and off the coast of Myanmar, we should review our policy of seeking natural gas from Bangladesh. Finally, covert and other capabilities will have to be developed to respond to problems our eastern neighbour seems determined to create.
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